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Attribution: Rawlinson – History of Herodotus, a new English version, vol. 2 (London: Murray 1858); public domain in Canada (death years verified: G. Rawlinson d.1902 (https://archive.org/metadata/historyofherodot02herouoft LC heading 1812-1902; https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q1355998); co-authors H. C. Rawlinson d.1895 (https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q309602), J. G. Wilkinson d.1875 (https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q923032) — staged at corpus/incoming/histories/historians/herodotus-histories-ii/historyofherodot02herouoft.pdf from https://archive.org/details/historyofherodot02herouoft (HIST-1, 2026-09-29)); OCR text by the Kemetic project, Yousef Hanna 2026.

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p. 356
23059	358
23060	STELA IN NAHAKAYN.
23061	App. Book II.
23062	bia), the Kufa (supposed to be the people of Cyprus), the Bot-
23063	fi-no, and the Southern Ethiopians, are commemorated on the
23064	monuments of Thebes. The exact position of these countries
23065	cannot be easily determined, but they are evidently far from the
23066	confines of Egypt ; and the elephant and bear, horses, rare
23067	woods, bitumen, and the rich gold and silver vases, brought by
23068	the Rot-n-no ; the ebony, ivory, and precious metals, by those
23069	of Pount ; the gold and silver vases of the Kufa; and the
23070	cameleopards, apes, ostrich feathers, ebony, ivory, and gold in
23071	dust, ingots and rings, from Ethiopia, show the distance from
23072	which they were brought, as well as the richness of the tribute.
23073	The tight dresses, the long gloves, the red hair and blue eyes of
23074	the liot-n-no* also proclaim them to be of a colder climate
23075	than Syria; though the jars of bitumen (or ''sift," answering
23076	to the Arabic zift), appear to place them in the neighbourhood
23077	of the Euphrates or the Tigris-t The beauty of their silver,
23078	gold, and porcelain vases, at all events point them out as a
23079	people far advanced in luxury and taste.
23080	Other victories are also recorded, in the great temple of Kar-
23081	nak, over the people of Asia ; and besides the Rot-n-no, the
23082	neighbouring Nalirayn (Mesopotamia), ^ingar, and other coun-
23083	tries, are mentioned as having paid him tribute ; and he is
23084	represented to have "stopped at Ninieu (Nineveh), when he set up
23085	his stela in Naharayn, having enlarged the confines of Egypt. "\|
23086	Misled by the similarity of the names, Aahmes and Thothmes
23087	(and perhaps still more by Aah, " the moon," being a character
23088	of Thoth), Josephus makes Manetho say that Tethmosis, or
23089	" Thummosis, the son of Misphragmuthosis," drove out the Sheja-
23090	herds ; but in another quotation from the same historian, he
23091	shows that Tethmosis was no other than the first king of the
23092	18th dynasty ; and we have already seen from the acts of Ames,
23093	and his immediate successors, that Egypt was already freed from
23094	those enemies long before the accession of Thothmes III. and
23095	his Asiatic conquests. §
23096	The great additions he made to Karnak, and other temples in
23097	Thebes, and the remains of monuments bearing his name at
23098	Memphis, Heliopolis, Coptos, Ombos, and other cities in different
23099	* See the costumes of these and other
23100	people in woodcuts in note on ch. Gl,
23101	Jiook vii.
23102	t See below, p. 24.
23103	X For an account of the conquests of
23104	Thothmes III. see Birch's annals of that
23105	king in the Archseologia, vol. xxxv.
23106	pp. 116-166.
23107	§ Above, § 18.
p. 357
23108	Chap. VIII.
23109	OBELISKS AND TEMPLES.
23110	359
23111	parts of Egypt, show how much was done by Thothmes III. to
23112	beautify them, and to commemorate the glories of his reign ;
23113	and the style, as well as the high finish of his sculptures, were
23114	not much surpassed at any subsequent period. Indeed he
23115	seems to have taken a delig-ht in architecture, like Adrian in
23116	later times ; and he has left more monuments than any Pha-
23117	raoh except the second Remeses. And though in the reversed
23118	capitals and cornices of the columnar hall behind his granite
23119	sanctuary at Karnak,* he displayed a caprice consistent neither
23120	with elegance nor utility, the pure style of his other monuments
23121	shows that (like the Imperial architect), though occasionally
23122	whimsical, he was not deficient in good taste.
23123	It was during his reign that the two obelisks were made, which
23124	at a later period were transported to Alexandria ; two others are
23125	mentioned at Thebes, dedicated to the Sun, which no longer re-
23126	main ; that now standing at Constantinople was also made by
23127	him ; and the handsome one which is now at S. Giovanni
23128	Laterano, in Rome, bears his name in the central, and that of
23129	Thothmes . IV. in the lateral, lines. Of his other monuments
23130	a very remarkable one is the chamber called " of the Kings "at
23131	Karnak, where he is represented making offerings to sixty of his
23132	predecessors ; and not only do stone fragments, but the remains
23133	of crude brick enclosures, bear witness to the number of his
23134	buildiuofs that once stood at Thebes. There are indeed more
23135	bricks bearing his name than that of any other king ; and it Is
23136	in the tomb, where the tribute before mentioned is recorded,
23137	that the curious process of brick-making is represented, which
23138	tallies so exactly with that described in Exodus. -f* His ovals
23139	also appear far more commonly on the smaller scarabsei than
23140	that of any other Pharaoh ; and he is remarkable for the great
23141	variety in the mode of writing his name, of which I have more
23142	than thirty variations.
23143	In Ethiopia his principal temples were those of Semneh and
23144	Amada; to the latter of which Thothmes IV. made some addi-
23145	tions ; and at both places their predecessor, Osirtasen III., of the
23146	12th dynasty, received divine honours.:]: The two temples of
23147	Semneh were built at the beginning of his reign ; and as offer-
23148	ings to the temple made in his 2nd year are there recorded,
23149	without the name of Amun-nou-het, Thothmes III. must have
23150	* This sanctuary was rebuilt by Pto-
23151	lemy, iu the name of Philip Aridseus.
23152	t See note ' on ch. lo6, Book ii.
23153	X See above, § 14.
p. 358
23154	360 LENGTH OF HIS KEIGN. App. Book U.
23155	been reigning alone ; which shows that his regnal years were
23156	reckoned from her death, and were not included m their joint
23157	reign ; and this would be consistent with the fact of his having
23158	been very young when first associated with her on the throne.
23159	His first campaign, however, not occurring till his 22nd regnal
23160	year, would argue against it, at least on other occasions, and
23161	would require him to have reckoned also the years of his divided
23162	rule ; and his conquests in Asia, mentioned in the great tablet at
23163	Karnak, date in his 29th, 30th, and 33rd years ; though the first
23164	of them is styled his 5th expedition. His 6th, in his 30th year,
23165	was agaiust the Mot-Ti-no. In his 33rd year he appears to have
23166	defeated the people of Lemanon also, who continued the same
23167	war ; and this fact, and the name of Ninieu (Nineveh), occurring
23168	with that of Naliarayn, and that of the Takce, in the same neigh-
23169	bourhood, argue that " Lemanon" represents a country farther
23170	inland than Mount Lebanon.* It is followed by the land of Sin-
23171	gar ; and though the mention afterwards of the Asi, supposed to
23172	be Is, bringing bitumen, apjjears to place these people lower
23173	down the Euphrates,! it is probable that most of them lived higher
23174	up to the North-west. Lemanon is also coupled with the Rot-h-
23175	no, on a monument of the first SetJii. \
23176	The length of the reign of Thothmes III. was far greater than
23177	is represented by Manetho, being about 47 years ; and the date
23178	of his 43rd and 47th years are found on the monuments ; but
23179	this diti'erence may be attributed to his having shared the king-
23180	dom with Amun-nou-het and his brother : though tlie dates of
23181	Manetho are very uncertain from various causes, and from the
23182	inaccuracy of his copyists. Towards the latter part of his reign
23183	he appears to have associated his son, Amunoph II., on the
23184	throne ;§ but this king was not remarkable for his conquests,
23185	or the monuments he erected. He made some additions to the
23186	great temple of Amun at Karnak ; and enlarged that of Amada
23187	s.c. 141-^. in Nubia, which was completed by his son and successor, Thoth-
23188	mes IV. ; and here, on a stela dating in his 3rd year, Amunoph
23189	has recorded his victories over the Upper Rot-ii-no, and the
23190	Ethiopians. His name also occurs on a fallen block at the Isle
23191	of Sai, as well as that of the third Thothmes.
23192	* See above, § 20, and below, § 25.
23193	note.
23194	t Herod, i. 179 ; Plin. xxxv. 51. Is
23195	( His, or Hit) is nearly halfway between
23196	J The chiefs of the Rotii-no are said
23197	to seiwe the King of Egypt with their
23198	labour (bodies, or members) cutting
23199	down ti'ees in Lemanon.
23200	Babylon and Carchemish. ! § A stela in the Leydeu Museum.
p. 359
23201	Chap. VIII.
23202	AMUNOPH III. — STllANGER-KINGS.
23203	361
23204	21.
23205	Thothmes IV. has left few monuments worthy of note, except b.c. 1410.
23206	the great sphinx at the pyramids, which bears his name, and
23207	appears to have been cut out of the rock by his order ; and here
23208	again a similarity of name led Pliny to consider it the sepulchre
23209	of Amasis.
23210	After the two short reigns of Amunoph II. and Thothmes IV., b.c. 1403.
23211	Amunoph III. succeeded to the throne ; but though he calls
23212	himself " the son of Thothmes IV., the son of Amunoph II.,"
23213	there is reason to believe that he was not of pure Egyptian race,
23214	and his mother, queen Maut-m-sJwi, was probably a foreigner.
23215	His features differ very much from those of other Pharaohs ; and
23216	the respect paid to him by some of the " Stranger-kings," one of
23217	whom (Atin-re-Bakhan) treats him as a god in the temple
23218	founded by Amunoph at Soleb in Ethiopia, seems to confirm
23219	this, and to argue that he was partly of the same race as those
23220	kings w^bo afterwards usurped the tlirone, and made their rule
23221	and name so odious to the Egyptians. Their attachment to the
23222	memory of Amunoph is also shown by the great respect they
23223	paid to his widow, queen Taia, whose name some of their queens
23224	adopted ; and in one place a queen Taia is seated opposite
23225	Bakhan, and in another is admitted by him "to look at the
23226	flabellum of the sun."* The worship too of the sun, with rays
23227	terminating in human hands, represented on a stela of Amunoph
23228	at Asouan, appears to indicate a connexion between them ;-f- for
23229	it was the very worship established by those Strangers.
23230	It is probably to this usurpation that Manetho alludes when
23231	he speaks of the second invasion of Egypt, after the Shepherd
23232	time ; and the flight of Amunophis into Ethiopia is a mistake
23233	arising from the previous flight of a king of another name
23234	when the Shepherds advanced into the Thebaid. The sending
23235	of the leprous persons to the sulphur springs on the east bank
23236	of the Nile is also a misrepresentation of some real event ; and
23237	that it was not a mere fable is proved by the recent discovery
23238	of those springs at Helwan.
23239	Certain it is that the Stranger-kings did not obtain the throne
23240	till after the death of Amunoph III. ; and that his power and
23241	conquests were very extensive is proved by the monuments, and
23242	by the records of victories, left by him throughout the valley of
23243	the Nile. At Thebes he added considerably to the great temple
23244	* Lepsius, Deuk. Abtb. iii. Bl. 100,
23245	101.
23246	t There is, however, au instauce of
23247	the Sun so represented in the time of
23248	Sethi, the father of Remeses II., on a
23249	stela on the Kossayr road.
p. 360
23250	3G2 SCARAB^I USED AS RECORDS. App. Book II.
23251	of Karnak, and built the principal part of that of Luxor, which is
23252	remarkable for its size and beauty : he also erected a very elegant
23253	one on the opposite bank, rendered famous by the two large
23254	sitting Colossi of its dronios, or paved approach, one of which has
23255	long been known as the " vocal Memnon." It was perhaj)S to
23256	connect these his two temples, on the opposite sides of the river,
23257	that he made the " royal street " mentioned in the Theban papyri.
23258	He also adorned the island of Elephantine with small but highly
23259	finished temples ; and besides that of Sedinga, he built the
23260	beautiful temple of Soleb in Ethiopia, on the columns of which
23261	he registered the names of the many nations he had vanquished
23262	in Africa and Asia; thereby jjroclaiming that he not only
23263	extended his conquests still farther south, but that he had
23264	pushed the very confines of Egypt at least as far as Soleb.
23265	Among the Asiatic names are Fount, CarcJiemish, the fort of
23266	AtesJi (or KadesJi?), Naharayn (Mesopotamia), and many others.
23267	From this being a complete record of his conquests, we may
23268	conclude that the temple of Soleb was erected towards the latter
23269	part of his reign ; but in one of the temples at Semneh he had
23270	previously put up a memorial of his victories over the Negroes
23271	{Hahsi), in which the Ahhet and others are mentioned ; and
23272	Semneh being then the frontier fortress on that side, it was con-
23273	sidered a suitable place for such a record.* The mode of noticing
23274	his successes is characteristic ; and we read of " living captives
23275	150 head, children 110 head, negroes 850 head negroes 55
23276	head, children 265 head, total living 7-iO head .... 300 head
23277	living head 1052 " Though he extended his arms much
23278	farther south than Soleb, and passed Napata, or Gebel Berkel,
23279	his lions which were found there were not placed by him in that
23280	city, but were originally at Soleb, as the inscription upon them
23281	shows, and were afterwards taken by Tirhaka to adorn his
23282	Ethiopian capital ; and on one of the large scaraba^i, so often
23283	used bv him as records, he makes " his southern frontier Killee
23284	{Karu or K(daa),-\ and his northern Naharayn (Mesopotamia)."
23285	In this same record \ the name of his queen Taia is as usual
23286	introduced with his own ; and the marked respect he always paid
23287	her might have justified the notion of his having been indebted
23288	to her for his throne, had not the name of her father Ainia, and
23289	* Brought thence by the Duke of I f If this was Coloe, it was about 100
23290	Northumberland, as well as his lions miles to the E. or E.N.E. of Axum.
23291	from Gebel 13erkel, and now in the % One in my possession, and another
23292	British Museum. \| copied by Roselhui, mention her father.
p. 361
23293	Chap.VIII. changes MADE BY THE STRANGER-KINGS. 363
23294	of her mother Tula, been mentioned without any signs of royalty.
23295	The custom of using these large scaraboei as records was much
23296	adopted by Amunoph III. ; and one of them states the number
23297	of lions he slew on a particular occasion, amounting to 102 ; and
23298	another describes a tank he made, 3700 cubits long and 700
23299	cubits broad, for queen Taia.
23300	22. Besides the remarkable fact that the features of Amunoph III.
23301	differed so much from those of the Egyptians, his tomb at Thebes
23302	is placed in a valley apart from those of the other Pharaohs, and
23303	in company with that of another of the " Stranger-kings " who has
23304	been variously called Skhai, Hesa, Oalee, and Ai, whose wife ap-
23305	pears also to have been a Taia, and who was probably the first of
23306	the seven who succeeded Amunoph III, on the throne. For it
23307	was at his death that they iiiled, mostly with very short reigns ;
23308	and the only ones of note were the second of them, Amun-Toonh,
23309	and the sixth, Atin-re-Bakhan. The former has introduced his
23310	name into the temple of Luxor, afterwards erased by king Horus ;
23311	his name and sculptures occur in a rock-tomb behind the Red
23312	Convent near Itfoo ; and he is represented in a tomb at Koorna
23313	receiving the visit of a princess of Ethiopia, with a rich tribute
23314	from that country. The other, who seems to have changed his
23315	name from Amunoph IV. to Atin-re-Bakhan, shows, from the
23316	number of monuments of his time at Tel-el- Amarna, Apollinopolis-
23317	parva, Thebes, and Memphis, that his reign was long, and that
23318	he extended the arms of Egypt into foreign lands. Tel-el-Amarna
23319	(supposed to be Psinaula) was the capital or royal city of these
23320	princes ; but after their expulsion its temples were utterly destroyed
23321	by the Egyptians, as was every record of them throughout the
23322	country ; and king Horus has used the stones of their monuments,
23323	at Thebes, in the construction of the pyramidal towers he put up
23324	on the S. side of the great temple of Karnak.
23325	23. The tyranny of these kings, and the change they made in the
23326	religion, rendered them odious to the Egyptians ; for they not
23327	only introduced real sun-worship, to the utter disregard of all
23328	the deities of Egypt, but banished Amun, the great god of
23329	Thebes, from the Pantheon ; and committed those offences against
23330	the religion attributed by Manetho to the Shepherds. But in
23331	order in some measure to reconcile the priesthood to the change,
23332	they adopted one of the forms and names of the sun already
23333	acknowledged by the Egyptians ; and Atin-re, the solar disc, an
23334	ancient character of Re, was selected by them as their god ; and
23335	this was partly from its representing the physical sun, which they
p. 362
23336	364 A FOREIGN EACE. App. Book U.
23337	themselves worshipped, and partly perhaps from its name re-
23338	sembling that of their own deity. For that they were a foreign
23339	race, and not, as Dr. Lepsius supposes, Egyptians who introduced
23340	a heresy into the religion of their country, is sufficiently evident
23341	from their peculiar features and strangely formed bodies ; and it
23342	is not improbable that they were Asiatic Cushites, or Ethiopians,
23343	who from intermarriage with the Egyptian royal family claimed,
23344	the throne they usurped ; and their despotic rule is shown by
23345	the abject manner in which the soldiers and others in their
23346	service were obliged to crouch before them. These Cushites
23347	would accord with the Ethiopians said by Eusebius "to have
23348	come from the river Indus and to have settled in Egypt " in the
23349	time of Amunoph ; thougli we are not to suppose that they came
23350	from the country said to belong to that race to the east of Persia,
23351	but rather from the Ethiopia of southern Arabia, known in after
23352	times as Sheba ; and if this be true, it may account for the
23353	Thebans pointing out the statue of Amunoj)h to the Greeks when
23354	they inquired after " the Ethiopian Meranon." If Amunoph
23355	III. was related to that foreign race, he did not become un-
23356	popular by making any of those religious changes which rendered
23357	Bakhan* and others so hateful to the Egyjatians ; and Horus,
23358	who appears to have been a son of Amunoph, may have recon-
23359	ciled them to his rule by reinstating the religion and expelling
23360	the "Strangers" from the throne. And the fact of the features
23361	of Horus being still unlike those of other Pharaohs will be
23362	explained by his having inherited from his father some little of
23363	their foreign physiognomy. Manetho's account of their invasion,
23364	already alluded to, is evidently the same as that mentioned by
23365	Diodorus, who states that " these foreigners beincr addicted to
23366	strange rites in their worship and sacrifices, the honours due to the
23367	gods fell into disuse ;" and that, " having been expelled, certain
23368	select bodies of them passed over into Greece and other places,
23369	under the guidance of their chiefs, the most remarkable of whom
23370	were Danaus and Cadmus." And the resemblance of the name
23371	Danaus to Toonh, Manetho's mention of the expulsion of Armais
23372	or Danaus from Egypt at this very period, and the story of Danaus
23373	introducing into Argos the worship of lo (the name of "the
23374	moon " in the language of the Argives and of the Egyptians),
23375	appear all to point to the same event.
23376	* Atin-re-Bakhan, or jMihen-Atin-re i though assigned to an earlier period;
23377	(" the votary of Atin-re"). The former ! the latter accords with Akeucheres,
23378	resembles the Apachuas of Manetho, \| placed at the end of the 18th dynasty.
p. 363
23379	Chap. VIII. KING HORUS. 365
23380	The duration of their rule is uncertain ; but a stone in their b.c. 1367
23381	ruined city at Tel-el- Amarna, on whicli Thothmes IV.* is men- -1337 ?
23382	tioned by Atin-re-Bakhan, and the sculptures at Soleb, where
23383	Amunoph III. is worshipped by him, prove that he ruled after
23384	both those kings ; as the destruction by Horus of the monu-
23385	ments of Bakhan and the other usurpers shows they preceded
23386	that Pharaoh.
23387	They are not noticed in the lists of kings given by Manetho
23388	and the monuments, all which make Horus the immediate suc-
23389	cessor of Amunoph III. ; though it is possible that they may l>e
23390	represented by the five kings placed, according to some versions
23391	of Manetho, between Horus and the 19th dynasty ; one of whom
23392	is the Armais or Danaus already noticed. Josephus, Africanus,
23393	and Eusebius give them as Achencherres, or Acherres ; Rathotis,
23394	or Rathos ; Akencheres, or Chebres; Akencheres, or Cherres ;
23395	and Armais, or Danaus.
23396	24, The 36th year of Amunoph III. is found in the sculptures,
23397	and he was succeeded by his son Horus (or Amun-men-Hor-rii-
23398	Jieb), who on a monument at Thebes mentions " the father of his
23399	fathers, Thothmes III." It is at Silsilis, where he is repre-
23400	sented nursed by a queen, that his features bear so much re-
23401	semblance to those of Amunoph ;-\|- and in the same place mention
23402	is made of his victories over the Cush, or Ethiopians of the Nile.
23403	The selection of this spot for setting up his triumphal records was
23404	probably connected with the opening of new quarries, as those
23405	ornamental tablets of Amunoph III. and Pthahmen at Silsilis
23406	were with the hewing and transport of stones from that extensive
23407	bed of sandstone, which sujDplied materials for so many temples
23408	in Upper and Lower Eg3^pt. Horus made some additions to the
23409	great temple of Amun at Thebes, and to other temples of Egypt ;
23410	but his reign was short ; and if in the 36 to 38 years given to him
23411	by Manetho the whole period of the "Stranger-kings" is included,
23412	some idea may be formed of the duration of their rule, Avhich was
23413	probably about 30 years.' One other king, named Besi-toti, or
23414	Bed-tot, is shown by a stela found by M. Mariette in the Apis
23415	tomb to have followed Horus. He is doubtless the >^ ^ *vi b.c. 1325.
23416	Rathotis or Rathos of Manetho, according to f m^ J 1
23417	Josephus and Africanus ; but he is not noticed in ^ -^
23418	* If he was the first who married a ' Stranger-kings may here be obsei-ved in
23419	yjrincess of that race, this mention of the same abject demeanour of the sol-
23420	liim will be explained, as well as the i diers before Horus, and perhaps in the
23421	foreign features of his son Amunoph III., 1 many emblems of life and power de-
23422	and of his grandson Horu.s. i ])ending like rays from the sun above
23423	•f Tr;ices of the customs of the the king.
p. 364
23424	366 riEMESES I. App. Book II.
23425	the lists on the monuments. The 18th dynasty lasted about 180
23426	years, taking the average of Manetho's lists, or more probably
23427	210 years ; from about the middle of the 16th to the middle of
23428	the I4th century RC. It is probable that the Exodus took place
23429	in the reign of Pthahmen,
23430	B.C. 1324. [^Nineteenth D^nast^.] — With Eemeses I. began the 19th dy-
23431	nasty. His reign was of short duration, and the oldest date
23432	found on the monuments is his second year ; but he is remark-
23433	able as the head of the house of Remeses, and the leader of this
23434	distiuguished dynasty. He was of a different family from Horus
23435	and Amunoph III., and restored the original and pure line of
23436	the Diospolites, tracing his descent from Amunoph I. and queen
23437	Ames-nofri-are.* He has left no records of his conquests, and
23438	few monuments, except his tomb at Thebes. This last however
23439	marks the new dynasty, by being in a different locality from that
23440	of Amunoph III., and by being the earliest one made in that
23441	valley, which was thenceforward set apart as the burial-place
23442	of the Theban kings. But the deficiency of his memorials
23443	was more than compensated for by those of his son Sethi I.
23444	B.C. 1322. (Sethos) and his grandson the great Remeses, whose long reigns
23445	were emploj-ed in extending the conquests of Egypt, and in
23446	recording them on the numerous and splendid monuments they
23447	erected in every part of the country. And their grand achieve-
23448	ments far eclipsing those of the original Sesostris, the name and
23449	exploits of that conqueror became transferred to Sethi (Sethos)
23450	and his son, both of whom were confounded with him ; and
23451	the resemblance of Sethos, or Sethosis, to Sesostris confirmed
23452	the error.
23453	In the first year of his reign Sethi overran Syria ; and in order
23454	to punish those people who had neglected to pay tribute to
23455	Egypt i* during the rule of the successors of the 3rd Amunoph,
23456	he took Canaan and various strongholds in the country, and re-
23457	established friendly relations with those who had remained
23458	faithful in their allegiance to Egypt. He also extended his con-
23459	quests far into Asia ; and among the countries, over which he
23460	triumphed, and claimed dominion, are the Upper and Lower
23461	Rot-n-no, Carmanda, (?) Naharayn (Mesopotamia), and the Khita,
23462	supposed by Mr. Stuart Poole to be the Hittites, whose strong-
23463	* In one place at Thebes, Remeses ' from its name, Lenmnon, or Fcmanon,
23464	worships a triad composed of Amun, has been supposed to be Lebanon ;
23465	Ames-nofri-are, and their oflspriug though, from its being mentioned with
23466	Ainunopli I. ; the Rot-ii-no, it appears to be farther
23467	t Among them are the people of a to the Noi-th-East, and connected with
23468	hilly country abounding in trees, which \| that jieople. See above, § 20.
p. 365
23469	Chap. VIII. REIGNS OF SETHI AND HIS SON. 367
23470	hold Afesh * (KetesJi, or Kadesh), he believes to be Ashteroth-
23471	Karnaim. These last people are also among the vanquished
23472	nations recorded in his sculptures at Karnak, as are the Shaso, or
23473	Arabs, Fount, Naharayn, Singar, and about forty others ; among
23474	whom are the Cusbites and other people of Africa. Later in his
23475	reign he waged war with the TaJiai, a people whom Thothmes III.
23476	had already forced to pay tribute ; and the sculptures at Karnak
23477	show he was then accompanied by his son Remeses, who after
23478	this was probably sent alone in command of an army against the
23479	Arabians and Libyans, as stated by Diodorus (i. 53).
23480	Among the grandest monuments left by Sethi is the great hall
23481	of Karnak, on the exterior walls of which are many beautiful
23482	sculptures recording his victories, and his personal valour in
23483	killing Avith his own hand the enemy's chief, as well as his return
23484	to Egypt amidst the acclamations of the priests and people.
23485	He also founded a temj^le on the opposite bank to his father
23486	Remeses I., which like the great hall of Karnak, and one of the
23487	largest buildings at Abydus, was completed by his son Remeses
23488	II., who appears to have shared the throne with him during the
23489	latter part of his reign. Many other grand monuments bear his
23490	name ; and conspicuous among these is his tomb in the valley of
23491	the kings at Thebes, which for the beauty of its sculptures and
23492	of its sarcophagus of oriental alabaster, as well as for the richness
23493	of its coloured details, far excels the rest of those spacious sepul-
23494	chres ; and if some others surpass it in extent, not even that of
23495	Remeses V., miscalled by the Greeks and Romans " of Memnon,"
23496	and so highly admired by them, can be compared for beauty with
23497	the tomb of Sethi. His long reign and life appear to have ended
23498	suddenly ; for after he had completed this monument, he ordered
23499	an extra chamber to be added to it, which was never finished ;
23500	and the figures left in outline prove that time was wanting to
23501	complete it. He is said to have reigned 51 or 55 years, according
23502	to Manetho ; but the monuments do not determine the number.
23503	The reigns of Sethi and his son may be considered the Augus-
23504	tan age of Egypt, in which the arts attained to the highest
23505	degree of excellence of which they were there capable ; but as
23506	in other countries their culminating point is sometimes marked
23507	by certain indications of their approaching decadence, so a little
23508	mannerism and elongated proportion began to be perceptible
23509	amidst the beauties of this period. Still the style and finish of
23510	i
23511	* In the land of Aimr, Amar or Omar, thought by some to be of the Amorites.
p. 366
23512	368 VISIT OF GERMANICUS. App. Book II.
23513	the sculptures, the wonderful skill in engraving the granite
23514	obelisks, the hieroglyphics of which are sometimes cut to the
23515	depth of three inches, and the grace of the figures (conven-
23516	tional as they were) far surpass those of any other epoch ;
23517	and the B-emeseum, or palace-temple of Reraeses II., " in the
23518	western suburb of Thebes" (called the Memnonium), is by
23519	far the best proportioned building in Egypt. It is here too
23520	that his colossal statue of red granite of Syene once stood, tow-
23521	ering above the roof of the temple, airiidst the ruins of which it
23522	now lies prostrate and broken ; and this statue was remarkable as
23523	excelling all others in size and in the excellence of its sculpture.
23524	B.C. 1811. He was the Uemeses to whom the title of " Miamim" was parti-
23525	cularly applied ; and though Remeses III. had the same title, it
23526	was in his prenomen, not a part of his name ; and Remeses II.
23527	has therefore the best claim to the name of " Remeses-Miamun."
23528	Distinguished as Remeses was during the lifetime of his father,
23529	he became still more remarkable after the death of Sethi, by his
23530	extensive conquests, as well as by the numerous monuments he
23531	raised throughout the country ; and it is evidently by him, rather
23532	than by his father, that the great works attributed to the Great
23533	Sesostris were executed, for which Diodorus says he employed so
23534	many captives — a statement confirmed by a record on the rocks at
23535	Aboosimbel. It was to these his monuments, in particular, that
23536	the attention of Germanicus was directed by the priests during
23537	his visit to Thebes ; and it was from them that his guides read to
23538	him the account of the tributes levied on foreign nations, which,
23539	in the words of Tacitus, were " haud minus magnifica quara quae
23540	nunc vi Parthorum, aut potentia Romana jubentur."* But they
23541	were very properly shown to Germanicus as the memorials of
23542	Remeses, and not of Sesostris.
23543	It is particularly in the great temples of Karnak and Luxor,
23544	and at the so-called Memnonium, that the victories he gained
23545	over the enemies of Egypt are recorded ; the most noted of
23546	which were over the Kliita, one of whose strongholds was pro-
23547	tected by a double ditch, and by the river on which it stood.
23548	The wars waged against that people were long and obstinate ;
23549	and the extent of their dominions reaching from Syria to the
23550	Euphrates, and the large force of chariots, and disciplined infantry
23551	* These recoi-ds no longer exist, and \ with fewer eonqnests than Remeses II.,
23552	the destruction of that part of the has left more memorials of the tributes
23553	monuments that contained them will i he levied on vanquished enemies,
23554	explain the reason why Thothmes III., \|
p. 367
23555	Chap. VIII. WARS OF RAMESES IN ASIA. 369
23556	they could bring into the field, rendered them formidable to the
23557	Egyptians in their advance into Asia. Nor have the sculptures
23558	failed to show the strength of the enemy in the attack made
23559	upon them by Remeses, or the skill with which they drew up
23560	their army to oppose him ; and the tale of their defeat is gra-
23561	phically told by the death of their chief, drowned as he endea-
23562	voured to repass the river, and by the dispersion of their numerous
23563	chariots. This war took place in his 5th year,* as recorded at
23564	Thebes, and Aboosimbel ; and he was probably satisfied in
23565	levying a tribute on that occasion, since another war broke out
23566	with the same people in his 9th year ; and the treaty made with
23567	the Khita in his 21st year, recorded at Karnak, appears also to
23568	have been consequent upon another campaign.
23569	It was during the wars with the people of Asia that Remeses
23570	inscribed the tablet on the rocks by the road -side above the Lycus,
23571	near Berytus in Syria, -f- which, like those of Sennacherib, and
23572	others of later periods, prove the usual coast road to have passed
23573	by that spot, from the age of the early Pharaohs to the time of
23574	the Romans.and Arabs, as it does at the present day. The tablets
23575	of Remeses I were dedicated, one to Amun the God of Thebes,
23576	another to Pthah of Memphis, the other to Re of Heliopolis ;
23577	the two former the deities worshipped at the capitals of Upper
23578	and Lower Egypt, the last the god after whom he was named.
23579	Not only do the monuinents, but several ])apyri, record the
23580	wars he waged with the people of Asia ; and it is in the Sallier
23581	papyri that mention is made of his war with the Khita in his
23582	9th year. The enemies the Egyptians had to contend with were
23583	mostly the same in the time of Remeses II. as of Thothmes III. ;
23584	and the names of the confederate people with the Khita are read
23585	byM.de Rouge as '•'• Aradns, Masou, Patasa, Kaschkasch, Oeeon,
23586	Gargouatan, (Jldrabe, Aktan, Atesch, and Raka."" Some of them
23587	were Syrian people ; the CMrabe were probably the Halehu, about
23588	Haleb (or Aleppo), but not the Chalybes of Asia Minor ; and
23589	Atesh was a strong fortress in the land of Amar; and the African
23590	Berheri, Takrourir,^ and others he conquered, were among those
23591	previously defeated by the third Amunoph. In some of his
23592	* At this time he had already adopted ' they are still there, and in his next
23593	the additional title, " ajiproved of the journey he may perhaps be fortunate
23594	Sun," in his prenomen. The idea of , enough to discover them,
23595	there being two kings called Remeses, i + I apply stelae to moveable records,
23596	who succeeded their father Sethi, has j
23597	tablets to those on rocks and walls of
23598	long been abandoned. i temples.
23599	t M. de Saulcy is incredulous; b>it § Both are names used to this day.
23600	YOL. II. 2 B
p. 368
23601	370 WAKLIKE ENGINES. App. Book II.
23602	northern wars Remeses was assisted by certain Asiatic tribes,
23603	who became aUies of the Egyptians ; as the Shairetana, a people
23604	described as living near the sea, a lake, or some large river,
23605	who continued to be in alliance with Egypt in the time of the
23606	third Remeses, when he extended the conquests of his prede-
23607	cessors ; but our limited knowledge of the geography of those
23608	periods prevents our fixiDg the exact position of these and other
23609	countries^ mentioned on the monuments.
23610	Some insight is given into the mode of warfare of that age,
23611	as well as the means of attacking and defending fortified places.*
23612	The scaling-ladder and testudo arietaria had long been in use, even
23613	as early as the Osirtasens of the 12th dynasty. The latter con-
23614	sisted of a long pike {tcrebra or r/rvTravov), and a covering of
23615	framework (vined) supported on forked poles, which was suffi-
23616	ciently large to hold several men, and served to cover them as
23617	they mined the place, or made their preparations for an attack ;
23618	and it answered both for the " testudo ad fodiendum' and for
23619	that " quce ad congestimiem fossaruni parafnr," mentioned by
23620	Vitruvius. While the miners were so engaged, the parapets were
23621	cleared by heavy showers of arrows ; and the same was done
23622	when the pioneers (the haltagis of an eastern army) advanced to
23623	break in the gates of the place with their axes. In some of these
23624	fortified towns there was an outer, or double, or even a triple
23625	wall ; the ditches being furnished with bridges, as at the fort of
23626	the Khita represented at the Memnonium ; and the abutments
23627	of similar bridges are found in the ancient forts of Egypt. But
23628	these were evidently made of planks, represented in the sculp-
23629	tures by a flat surface, which were removed when the garrison
23630	had retired within the works before a besieging force.
23631	It was during the repose he took between his different cam-
23632	paigns, and after their glorious termination, that Remeses erected
23633	the many buildings that bear his name througliout the Valley of
23634	the Nile. And the stela set up in his 35th year, in the great
23635	temple of Aboosimbel, was placed there long after its completion;
23636	and speaks no longer of wars, but of the god, Pthah-Sokari,
23637	granting to him that the whole world should obey him like the
23638	Khita ; and alludes to his having beautified the Temple of Pthah
23639	at Memphis. Besides the temples and numerous statues he put
23640	up at Thebes and Memphis, the chief towns of each nome, and
23641	many of minor importance, were beautified with monuments
23642	erected by him, or in his honour ; and if he was really the king
23643	* See note * on ch. 169, Book ii.
p. 369
23644	Chap. VIII. WORKS OF REMESES. 371
23645	for whom the treasure-cities Pithom and Raamses* were built by
23646	the Israelites,i* the unusual splendour with which he adorned the
23647	small temple at Tanis, where numerous granite obelisks bear his
23648	name, will accord with the fact of its being one of his favourite
23649	residences in the time of Moses, when " marvellous things " were
23650	done " in the field of Zoan " (Tanis). \| Even Ethiopia received its
23651	share of beautiful monuments ; and the rock temples of Aboo-
23652	simbel still excite the admiration of travellers, for the variety of
23653	their sculptures, and the grandeur of their colossi. At Napata
23654	(Gebel Berkel) , the capital of Ethiopia, he also erected a temple,
23655	afterwards enlarged by Tirhaka ; and notwithstanding the extent
23656	of his conquests in Asia he did not neglect to push his arms
23657	much further into Upper Ethiopia, and the Soudan, than any of
23658	his predecessors. Indeed it is with surprise that we see the
23659	evidence of the numerous monuments erected by Remeses II.,
23660	even though those that remain must Ijear a very small proportion
23661	to the original number ; more colossal and other statues remain
23662	of his time than of any other Pharaoh, and the two beautiful
23663	ones discovered at Memphis show that he adorned the temples
23664	of the northern capital with the same magnificence as those of
23665	Thebes. They prove too that the Sesostris said by Herodotus to
23666	have put up the colossi at Memphis was this Eemeses.
23667	He also undertook the grand project of opening a canal from
23668	the Nile to the Red Sea, which from the monuments on its banks
23669	was evidently finished by him ; and re-opened, rather than first
23670	commenced, by Neco, or by Darius, or by Ptolemy Philadel-
23671	phus. This canal began a little above Bubastis, near the town
23672	of Patumos (Pithom). It was connected with the trade of the
23673	Red Sea ; and if Remeses fitted out a fleet to jDrotect that trade,
23674	and if the same had before been done by the original Sesostris, the
23675	statement of Herodotus that Sesostris " fitted out long vessels "
23676	on that sea might apply to both these kings. Diodorus even
23677	pretends to state the number, which he reckons at 400 galleys.
23678	Another extensive work, apparently attributable to this king,
23679	was the wall, said by Diodorus to have been built by Sesostris,
23680	on both sides of the valley, at the edge of the cultivated land,
23681	with a view to protect the peasants and their crops from the wan-
23682	* Pithom appear^ certainly to be I f According to the Duke of Northum-
23683	taken from the name of Thmei, i berhind's view of the Exodus-period,
23684	"Truth," the goddess who forms part I mentioned above in § 5.
23685	of the preuomeus of Remeses and his { + Psalm Ixxviii. 12, 43; Isa, xix.
23686	father; Raamses (Remeses) being his j 11, 1?,.
23687	nonieii. I
23688	2 B 2
p. 370
23689	372 TWENTIETH DYNASTY. App. Book TT.
23690	dering Arabs ; and the crude brick remains of this wall are still
23691	visible in many parts of the country, particularly where it ran
23692	over the rocky ground on the east bank. It is now called Gisr
23693	el agoos, " the old man's/' or "old woman's dyke." By this the
23694	Arabs were prevented from coming to the valley, and obtaining
23695	corn, except at certain points where ingress and egress were per-
23696	mitted ; and a small body of troops, or the peasants themselves,
23697	sufficed to prevent any disregard of these regulations.
23698	The partition of the lands, and the canalisation of the country,
23699	attributed to Sesostris, would apply to the earlier king rather
23700	than to E-emeses II. : thouo-h land surveving and all that related
23701	to the canals and the river, were well-known in Egypt long before
23702	the age even of the Osivtaseus, as is sufficiently proved by the
23703	sculptures of the pyramid-period, and, if the story is to be
23704	credited, by the change of the course of the Nile under Menes.
23705	The length of his reign is consistent with the number of his
23706	monuments, and the extent of his conquests ; and the mention of
23707	the 62nd year of Remeses in the sculptures agrees with the 61
23708	full years ascribed to him by Manetho. According to Josephus he
23709	reigned QQ years. This accounts for his surviving so many of his
23710	twenty-three sons, and being succeeded by the 3 3th, Pthahmen.
23711	r,.c. 1245. The reign of his successor was not remarkable for any great
23712	conquests ; and if some additions were made by Ptliahnen to the
23713	monuments of Thebes, Memphis, and other places, they were not
23714	on tlie same grand scale as those of his father, and of King
23715	B.C. 1237. Sethi. Ptliahmcnse-Pthah, who succeeded Pthahmen, was pro-
23716	bably indebted for the throne to his marriage with Taosiri, if she
23717	was really a daughter of Remeses II. ; and so little was he
23718	regarded by the Egyptians, that his name is omitted from the
23719	Theban lists of kings, and even erased from his sepulchre in the
23720	valley of the Kings' tombs.
23721	B.C. 1232. \_Twentieth Dynasty.^ — The memory of the two following
23722	kings, Sethi II. and III., is scarely rescued from oblivion by the
23723	chambers and the avenue of sphinxes added by the first of them
23724	to the great temple of Karnak ; by their tombs ; and by a few
23725	small monuments ; and it remained for their successor Remeses
23726	III. to extend the arms of Egypt abroad, and to grace its cities
23727	F..C. 1219. with grand edifices, only surpassed by those of Sethi I. and the
23728	second Remeses.
23729	Indeed, his temple at Medeenet Haboo is one of the most inter-
23730	esting monuments in Thebes, the battle-scenes most spirited, and
23731	the history of his campaigns most important ; and if the style of
23732	20.
p. 371
23733	Chap. VIII. REMESES 111. 373
23734	the sculptures is not quite equal to those of Sethi I. and his son,
23735	their designs are full of spirit, and they are worthy of a king
23736	whose victories shed new lustre on the Egyptian name, and
23737	revived the days of conquest and glory. But the change he made
23738	in the mode of sculpturing the figures, and hieroglyphics, seems
23739	to have been the prelude to the decadence of art ; and though
23740	gradual, its decline became evident after his reign ; nor were the
23741	momentary impulse given to it by the Sheshonks, and what
23742	may be called the "revival" under the 26th dynasty, sufficient
23743	effectually to arrest its fall. The exquisite care bestowed on the
23744	sculptures at the latter period certainly did much to restore it
23745	for the time ; and we admire the truth and correctness of the
23746	dra^^dng, the shai-pness and beauty of the chiselling, in the
23747	sculptures of the Psammetichi and Amasis ; but it was the result
23748	of a great effort, and even if it had not been stopped by circum-
23749	stances would have been insuflicient to regenerate Egyptian art.
23750	The reign of Remeses III. is a bright page in the history of
23751	Egypt. Penetrating far into Asia, he recovered the conquests
23752	that had been neglected by his immediate predecessors, aud even
23753	extended them into new countries, the names of which are pre-
23754	viously unnoticed on the monuments. But he does not appear
23755	to have attacked the Khita, though he maintained the same
23756	alliance with the Shairetana (or Khairetana), w^ho had assisted
23757	E-emeses II. in his Asiatic wars ; and allied with them and two
23758	other people (one of whom was distinguished by a high cap, not
23759	unhke that of the modern Tartars) he defeated the Reho, a
23760	powerful people ; and afterwards inflicted severe chastisement on
23761	the Tokari, who, once his allies, had revolted from him. In this
23762	revolt they were joined by a portion of the maritime Shairstana,
23763	in whose ships they sought refuge from the conqueror, after he
23764	had chased them to the coast. But the Egyptians were as suc-
23765	cessful by water as on land ; and the King, having brought round
23766	his fleet, sunk or captured their galleys and ravaged their coasts.
23767	These Shairetana, or Khairetana, have been conjectured by
23768	Mr. Poole to be the Cheretim, or Cretans, which is not im-
23769	possible ; though the uncertainty of these names, and oior igno-
23770	rance of the geography of the countries overrun by the Egyptians,
23771	prevent our ascertaining the exact site of this and other wars
23772	recorded on the monuments ; and it is prudent to abstain from
23773	any decided opinion, until further light is obtained from other
23774	documents.
23775	The march of Remeses, on leaving Egypt for this camj)aign,
23776	was through several countries, some of which Avere at peace with
p. 372
23777	374 HIS CONQUESTS AND WEALTH. Avp. Took II.
23778	him ; and he is represeDted in one part traversing a jungle
23779	abounding in lions, before he reached the coast where his naval
23780	victory was gained. After this, he attacked several fortified
23781	towns, some surrounded by water and defended by double walls,
23782	which were speedily captured by escalade.
23783	In one of his conflicts with the Rebo, the loss of the enemy is
23784	recorded by several heaps of hands, each amounting to oOOO,
23785	showing the number that had been slain in the field ; and by
23786	two lines of captives, each containing 1 000 men ; and these last,
23787	having been conducted into his presence when he returned home
23788	to Egypt, were j)resented by him, with the spoil and various
23789	trophies he had carried off, to the god of Thebes.
23790	In the lists of countries, over which he claimed dominion, were
23791	Naharayn (Mesopotamia), Bot-n- no, and other Asiatic districts ; the
23792	names of many people of Africa he conquered are also mentioned
23793	in his temple at Medeenet Haboo ;* and the wealth he amassed
23794	was preserved in the treasury tliere, which is probably the very
23795	one alluded to by Herodotus as belonging to Rhampsinitus.
23796	Here vases of gold and silver, bags of gold-dust, and objects
23797	made of various metals, lapis-lazuli, and other valuables were
23798	deposited ; and the wealth he possessed is detailed on the sculp-
23799	tured walls of its several chambers."f-
23800	The longest date found on the monuments is of his 26th year ;
23801	and with him closes the glorious era of Egyptian history. Eight
23802	more kings followed, bearing the name of Remeses, the four first
23803	of whom were his sons ; but none of these equalled the renown
23804	of the second and third of that name. The third son of Re-
23805	meses III. has been supposed to be the one in whose reign the
23806	risings of Sothis are given, which would show him to have lived
23807	in the year 12-iO BC. ;:\|: and if this date could be positively
23808	assigned to the reign of the sixth Remeses, and another to that of
23809	Thothmes III., they would give us fixed periods of great impor-
23810	tance for chronology. But that date for Remeses VL presents
23811	a difficulty.
23812	E.c. 1171. The eighth Remeses § is remarkable for having maintained the
23813	conquests of Egypt abroad. ,. lie made some additions to the
23814	Great Temple of Karnak, and has left us some historical papyri ;
23815	* As the notion, long since discai'ded, the offerings and buildings made by
23816	thiit this name is Medeene-Thaboo, and Remeses III. ; but a small portion of it
23817	related to T/iebes, has been revived, it is has as yet been opened,
23818	only right to state that it is decidedly + I had suppo.^ed this king to be the
23819	an error 9th Remeses.
23820	i- The papyrus of Mr. Harris, so re- § The 7th in my Materia Hiero-
23821	markable for its great size, mentions glyphica.
p. 373
23822	Chap. VIIL 21st AND 22x\d DYNASTIES. 375
23823	and his marked features, conspicuous from the high bridge of his
23824	nose, have satisfactorily proved that the Egyptians represented
23825	real portraits in their sculptures. He was not a son of Kemeses
23826	III., but appears to have derived his right to the throne from being
23827	a descendant of Amunoph I. The tombs of these kings show-
23828	that they did not neglect the arts ; but little is to be learnt from
23829	the monuments respecting the deeds of the successors of the
23830	eighth Remeses, many of whom bore the same name ; and the
23831	reigns of the last of them were probably disturbed by dissensions
23832	at home, which led to a change of dynasty.
23833	27. [Twenty-first and Twenty- second Dynasties.'] — The sceptre ^.c. 1085.
23834	appears to have passed, towards the close of the 21st dynasty,
23835	into the hands of military pontiffs ; and the names of these " high
23836	priests" occur at a small lateral temple belonging to the great
23837	pile of KarDak ; showing that their rule was not local, or confined
23838	to the Delta, but extended to Upper Egypt. They were Amun-
23839	se-Pehor,^ Pionkh, and his son Fisliam (perhaps the Osochor,
23840	Psinaches, and Psusennes of Manetho), who had the titles and
23841	office of king, and were military chiefs also, being called " Com-
23842	manders of the soldiers." They seem to have been, as Manetho
23843	leads us to suppose, Tanites ; the high-priest of Amun, Pisham,
23844	being called " chief of Tanis (?) in the Delta," or " at Ilebai
23845	(Iseum) in the Delta." Some probably ruled in right of their
23846	wives. They were succeeded by the Sheshonks, who were evi-
23847	dently foreigners, and, as Mr. Birch has conjectured, Assyrians ;t
23848	whose claims to the throne may have been derived as usual from
23849	intermarriage with the royal family of Egypt, and have been put
23850	forward on the failure of the direct line. Indeed, SheshanJc I.
23851	seems to have married a daughter of Pisham ; and he had the
23852	same title of " High-priest of Amun." Manetho calls the first
23853	of the two Sheshonk dynasties Bubastites, the second, or 23rd
23854	dynasty, Tanites ; and the Tanite line seems to have been
23855	restored in Pishai of the 23rd dynasty, whose name so nearly
23856	resembles the Pisham of the 21st. Bubastis, too, appears to
23857	have been the royal city of the kings of the 22nd dynasty : and
23858	their names occur there as on other monuments, with the title
23859	" son of Pasht " (or " of Buto "), the goddess of that city.
23860	It was at the period preceding the accession of /Sheshonk (the
23861	Shishak of Scripture), that " Hadad, being yet a little child,"
23862	having escaped from the slaughter of his countrymen, when
23863	David conquered the Edomites (1 Kings xi. 15, 17 ; 1 Chron.
23864	* I had supposed him to be Boc- I f Tiglath-pile.ser I. is said to claim-
23865	choris. I
23866	tlie coui\|uest of Egypt, abmit 1120 B.C.
p. 374
23867	376 CONQUESTS OF SHESHONK. App. Book II.
23868	xviii. 11, 13; 2 Sam. viii. 14), "fled unto Pharaoh king of
23869	Egypt," who gave him the sister of Tahpenes* the queen in
23870	marriage. And as neither the queen of Pehor, nor of Pisham,
23871	had this name, we have evidence that the Pharaoh here alluded
23872	to was another king of the 21st dynasty, or some one who ruled
23873	at that time in Lower Egypt.
23874	B.C. 9fl!). The first Pharaoh of the 22nd dynasty was Sheshonk I. 28.
23875	(Shishak), the contemporary of Solomon; and it was in his
23876	reign that Jeroboam "fled into Egypt, unto Shishak king of
23877	Egypt, and was there till the death of Solomon" (1 Kings xi.
23878	40). He was the same who in the fifth year of Rehoboam
23879	(B.C. 971) invaded Judsea, with a large Egyptian army, in v/hich
23880	were also " the Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the Ethiopians," and
23881	a corjDs of 1200 chariots ; and having taken the walled cities of
23882	Judah, entered Jerusalem, pillaged the temple, and " the king's
23883	house," and " carried away also the shields of gold which Solo-
23884	mon had made " (1 Chron. xii. 3-9). And the record of this
23885	campaign, which still remains on the outside of the great temple
23886	of Karnak, bears an additional interest from the naine of " Yuda
23887	Melchi'' (kingdom of Judah), first discovered by Champollion
23888	in the long list of captured districts and towns, put up by She-
23889	shonk to commemorate his success.
23890	This was the first time that Jerusalem was attacked by the
23891	Egyptians ; who appear to have been friendly towards the Is-
23892	raelites, and to have had no motive for going out of their line of
23893	march by the sea-coast, while advancing against more distant
23894	and more powerful enemies. The Israelites, too, during the age
23895	of the great Egyptian conquerors, were not as yet fully settled
23896	" in the land ;" and, having to contend with the people of Pales-
23897	tine, had no reason to come in contact with the Egyptians ; they
23898	were, therefore, preserved from any interference of the Pha-
23899	raohs ; and in Solomon's time, when their power had become
23900	more extended, they were on terms of strict amity with the
23901	Egyptians, as well as with the Tyrians ; and Solomon even mar-
23902	ried the daughter of a Pharaoh.
23903	It is unfortunate that the name of this Pharaoh is not given ;
23904	but it is evident that even if the priestly kings had not increased
23905	the power of Egypt, they had not allowed it to decline alto-
23906	gether; for knowing how acceptable the town of Gezer, belonging
23907	to the Canaanites, between Jaffa and Jerusalem, would be to his
23908	son-in-law, Pharaoh took it, and destroyed the Canaanites there,
23909	* The same uame as the town near Pelusiuni, called Daphnse by Herodotus.
p. 375
23910	Chap. VIII. KINGS OF THE BUBASTITE DYNASTY. 377
23911	and gave it "for a present unto his daughter, Solomon's wife "
23912	(1 Kings ix. 16).
23913	Whatever may have brought about the change of pohcy in
23914	Egypt towards the Jews ; whether the intrigues of Jeroboam,
23915	in order to insure his own safety by weakening the power of the
23916	King of Judah, against whom he had rebelled, or any complaint
23917	made by Rehoboam against the Egyptians for having favoured
23918	his designs ; Sheshonk was satisfied with plundering the treasures
23919	" of the House of the Lord, and of the king's house :" and
23920	Jeroboam may have held these out as an inducement to the
23921	Egyptian king to undertake the expedition. " Jerusalem " itself
23922	does not appear to have been pillaged, owing to the submission
23923	of Rehoboam ; but Judaea remained a conquered possession in
23924	" the hand of Shishak " (2 Chron. xii. 5, 7, 8) ; and was, as we
23925	have seen, catalogued in the list of the dominions of Egypt.
23926	Though the conquests of Sheshonk were much less extensive
23927	than those of the Remeses, he has paraded them with far greater
23928	display in the long list of places, amounting to more than thirty
23929	times the .number of those previously recorded by the great
23930	Egyptian conquerors. But they have not the same importance,
23931	from the mention of large districts, as the older lists ; and
23932	none of those conquests, on which the older Pharaohs justly
23933	prided themselves, are here mentioned. We look in vain for
23934	Carchemish, Naharayn, or the Rot-h-no ; but this campaign is
23935	most interesting, from its giving us the first and nearest ap-
23936	proach to synchronous history ; and we might fix within a few
23937	years the reign of Sheshonk, if we knew how long he lived after
23938	Solomon's death, or if -the year of his reign, in which he
23939	invaded Judaea, had been recorded. He is said by Manetho to
23940	have ruled 21 years; and the date of his 21st year is found on
23941	the monuments.
23942	29. The stelas discovered by M. Mariette, in the Apis burial-place
23943	near Memphis, give some very useful information respecting the
23944	succession of the kings of this dynasty ; and even to the con-
23945	quest of EgyjDt by Cambyses ; but the deeds of the successors of
23946	Sheshonk I. seem to offer little of interest ; and though their
23947	names occur at Thebes, Bubastis, and other places, nothing is
23948	found worthy of note respecting them.
23949	The order of these kings of the 22nd, or Bubastite, dynasty,
23950	according to M. Mariette's Apis stelse, is : —
23951	Sheshonk I. (Shishak).
23952	Osorkon I., his son, whose 11th year is on the monuments.
23953	Her-sha-seb, his son, according to M. Mariette's list.
p. 376
23954	378
23955	TWENTY-FOURTH DYNASTY.
23956	App. Book IT.
23957	Osorkon II., his son-in-law, whose 23rd year is on an
23958	Apis stela.
23959	Slieshonk II., his son.
23960	Tiklat, Tiglath, or Takeloth I. (Tacelothis), whose 15th
23961	year is on the monuments. He married Keromama,
23962	granddaughter of Her-sha-seb.
23963	Osorkon III., his son, whose 28th year is on an Apis
23964	stela, and another monument.
23965	Sheshonk III,, his son, whose 28th (and 29fch ?) year is
23966	on the monuments.
23967	Tiklat, Tiglath, or Takeloth II., his son.
23968	B.C. 818. \The Twenty-tldrd Dynmty\ — said to be of Tanites, consisting 30,
23969	of a collateral branch of the Sheshonk family — seems, according
23970	to the Apis stelse, to be : —
23971	Pishai (or Pikhai). (Psammis of Manetho ?)
23972	Sheshonk IV., his son, who reigned at least 37 years,
23973	but who does not appear to have been succeeded by
23974	any of his sons.
23975	Petubastes, whom Manetho places the first king of the 23rd
23976	dynasty, may have followed Sheshonk IV. ; as his name has been
23977	found by M. Prisse, reading Amun-mai-Pet-Baslit (or Pet-Biito\
23978	and another by Lepsius reading Pet-se-Pasht. But Petubastes
23979	was not of the Sheshonk family. The Assyrian character of the
23980	names in the families of these kings seems to confirm the opinion
23981	of Mr. Birch, that they were Assyrians : Nimrot, or Nimrod,
23982	occurs more than once ; and a prince TcikAoth {Tiklat or Tiglatli)
23983	is called chief of the ^lasJioash, a people of Asia mentioned
23984	among the enemies of Egypt in the time of the Remeses.*
23985	No allusion is made on the monuments to Zerah the Cushite,
23986	or Ethiopian, who was defeated by the King of Judah (B.C.
23987	941 ?) ; an event which should have hai^pened about the reign
23988	of Osorkon II. (2 Chron. xiv. 9) ; and it is diflficult to understand
23989	how an Ethiopian j)i'ince could have invaded Judsea, while all
23990	Egypt was in the hands of the Sheshonks ; unless, as some com-
23991	mentators suppose, Zerah was a King of Asiatic Ethiopia.
23992	B.C. 734. \_Tiventy-fourth Bynasty.'] — Bocchoris the Wise, who was 31.
23993	more famed as a legislator than a warrior, is said by Manetho
23994	to have been the sole king of the 24th dynasty. He was the
23995	first who transferred the ruling house to Sai's, afterwards restored,
23996	and continued by the 28th dynasty until the Persian conquest.
23997	* Tiglath or Diglath is the old name
23998	of the Tigris according to Josephus ; the
23999	Diglit of Pliny, the Hidekel, or Digln,
24000	of Gen. ii. 14, Dan. x. 4, Eddekel of
24001	tlie LXX.
p. 377
24002	Chap. VIII.
24003	TWENTY-FIFTH DYNASTY.
24004	379
24005	32.
24006	He was the son of Tnepliachthus ;* whose curse against Menes i*
24007	is consistent with the fact of liis seeing the decline of Egyptian
24008	power, and with the common habit of attributing to some irre-
24009	levant cause (such as the accidental innovations of an early
24010	king) the gradual fall of a nation ; and is only worth noticing, as
24011	illustrating the declining condition of Egypt during the age of
24012	Tnephachthus and his son.
24013	It was about this time that the foundation of Rome took
24014	place ; and great changes were beginning in Asia. The powerful
24015	kingdom of Assyria was already preparing to supplant the rule
24016	of the Egyptians in Syria ; and a series of defeats and successes
24017	followed, until their final expulsion, under Neco, confined them
24018	to the defence of their own frontier. After a reign of six (or,
24019	according to some, of 44) years, Bocchoris is said by Diodorus to
24020	have been deposed, by Manetho to have been burnt to death,
24021	by Sabaco the Ethiopian ; though Herodotus states that the
24022	Ethiopian king came in the reign of Anysis (ii. 137), and put to
24023	death Neco the father of Psammetichus.
24024	But besides this inconsistency, the tale of his cruelty is quite
24025	at variance with what Herodotus and Diodorus (i. 60) both say of
24026	his character, and of Sabaco's retirement from the throne lest, he
24027	should commit an act of injustice (Her. ii. 139), as well as with
24028	the respect paid by the kings of this Ethiopian dynasty to the
24029	customs of the Egyptians. The same character for humanity
24030	is ascribed to another Ethiopian, called by Diodorus Actisanes,
24031	whose name, however, is not mentioned either by Manetho, or the
24032	monuments ; and another of them, Tirhaka, who succeeded the
24033	Sabacos, and raised the military power of the country almost, to
24034	its ancient level, showed, by the numerous monuments he raised,
24035	his respect for the religion and the internal welfare of Egypt.
24036	\Tiventy-jijtli Dynasti/.'] — Three or four kings, who came from b.c. 714.?
24037	Napata in Ethiopia, formed the 2oth dynasty. The first was
24038	Sabaco I. ; but it is uncertain which of the Sabacos, or Sheheks,
24039	of the monuments corresponded to the So, or Sava, of the Bible %
24040	(the IrtyooQ^ of the Septuagint), who made a treaty with Hosea,
24041	King of Israel : § an event which, involving the refusal of his
24042	tribute to the King of Assyria, led to the taking of Samaria
24043	and the captivity of the ten tribes.
24044	* The name of Neith may perhaps
24045	be traced in this.
24046	t AVjove, § 1.
24047	J The name of one of these Sljebeks
24048	has been found by Mr. Layard at
24049	Knyunjik (note ' on ch. 137, Book ii. of
24050	Herodotus), The name of the second
24051	appears to be the Sebechon of Manetho.
24052	§ - Kings xvii. 4.
p. 378
24053	380
24054	DISCOVERY BY M. MAEIETTE.
24055	App. Book II.
24056	B.C. G90. Of the brilliant reign of Tehrak their successor, the Tirhaka
24057	of the Scriptures, sufficient evidence is afforded by the monu-
24058	ments of Thebes and other places, as ay ell as of his Ethioj^ian
24059	capital, where he enlarged and beautified the great temple
24060	beneath the " sacred mountain," now called Gebel Berkel ; and
24061	the court he added to the temple of Medeenet Haboo in
24062	Thebes bears the memorials of his victories in Asia over the
24063	Ass^nians. For it wa~s during his reign that Sennacherib threat-
24064	ened to invade Lower Egypt, when Tirhaka advancing into
24065	Syria defeated the Assyrians ; and if the Egyptians concealed
24066	this fact from Herodotus, it was doubtless from their unwilling-
24067	ness to acknowledge the long rule of the Ethiopians; and the
24068	priest-king Sethos he mentions may onl}^ have been the governor
24069	of Memphis and the Delta under Tirhaka. Indeed, if Sabaco
24070	was a contemporary of Neco, the father of Psammetichus, these
24071	Ethiopians may have ruled while Stephinathis, Necepsus, and
24072	Neco, placed by Manetho before Psammetichus I. in the 26th Saite
24073	dynasty, were governors of part of Lower Egypt, and among the
24074	12 nomarchs, or chiefs of provinces, called 12 kings by Herodotus.
24075	Eusebius, however, quoting Manetho, places an Ethiopian called
24076	Ammeres* before Stephinathis and his two successors.
24077	It may be generally observed that whenever the Egyptians
24078	represented a blank, or the rule of ignoble kings, we are at
24079	liberty to conclude that a foreign dynasty was established in
24080	the country ; and if any Egyptian prince exercised authority
24081	during the reign of Tirhaka, it must have been in a very se-
24082	cluded part of the marsh-lands of the Delta, as the monuments
24083	show his rule to have extended over all the principal places in
24084	Egypt. Moreover, the Apis stelse prove that Psammetichus I.
24085	^^-^ was the sole and independent ruler of Egypt immediately
24086	w I after Tirhaka, without any intermediate king ;-f- and an
24087	Apis, born in the 26th year of Tirhaka, died in the 21st
24088	year of Psammetichus, aged 21 years ; the reign of Tir-
24089	haka having continued only ten months and four daj^s
24090	after the death of that bull.
24091	The discovery of these monuments by M. Mariette is most im-
24092	portant for chronology. Like the stela of Florence tliey limit
24093	our dates ; and they show that the hieroglyphic name of Psam-
24094	* Perhaps connected with PwnMiand
24095	Queen Amunotis. {See following page.)
24096	t This does not positively prove that
24097	no kings intervened between Tirhaka
24098	and Psammetichus I., as the latter may
24099	have included their short reijrns in his
24100	own.
p. 379
24101	Chap. VIII.
24102	TWEXTY-SIXTH DYNASTY.
24103	381
24104	33.
24105	34.
24106	metichus,* hitherto considered of the first; was really of the
24107	second of that name.
24108	[Tiventi/sixth Li/nasty.] — The Florence stela reckons only
24109	71 years 4 months 8 days from the 35th year of Amasis to
24110	the 3rd of Neco ; if, therefore, the death of Amasis is fixed in
24111	525 B.C., and if his reign only lasted 44 years, he must have
24112	ascended the throne 569 B.C. ; but this, at the longest cal-
24113	culation, will only bring the accession of Psammetichus I. to
24114	664 B.C., allowing him a reign of 54 years, as given by Hero-
24115	dotus and Manetho, and confirmed by one of the Apis stela?.
24116	Another of these stelae, in the 26th year of Tirhaka, which
24117	reckons 21 years to the 21st of Psammetichus I., shows that
24118	the beginning of Tirhaka's reign preceded the accession of
24119	Psammetichus by exactly 26 years, and therefore fell into the
24120	year 690 B.C. ; and the 50 years given by Herodotus to Sabaco
24121	should probably be the whole duration of the rule of the Ethi-
24122	opian, or 25th dynast3^
24123	An important fact is also learnt from the monuments at Thebes,
24124	respecting Psammetichus I., that he married Tapemtaj)es, (?)
24125	the daughter of an Ethiopian king called Pionkhi, or
24126	Pceonkh (c d), and
24127	of Queen Amun-
24128	atis (e), who ruled
24129	at Napata (Gebel
24130	Eerkel) ; and this
24131	marriage resulted in the
24132	restoration of the Egyptian
24133	line of Saite kings in the
24134	person of Psammetichus. This satisfactorily explains the retire-
24135	ment of the Ethiopian princes from the throne of Egypt.
24136	One of the first measures of Psammetichus was to secure the
24137	frontiers of Egypt from foreign aggression : and his foresight was
24138	evinced by his acceptance of the services of the Greeks. But
24139	this excited the jealousy of the native troops ; and the marked
24140	preference he showed the Greeks on all occasions inflamed their
24141	discontent, which was further increased by the length of the siege
24142	of Azotus ; that strong place, defended by an Assyrian garrison,
24143	having only yielded to the arms of Psammetichus after a long
24144	siege ^^ stated to have lasted to the improbable period of 29 years.
24145	Already in an excited state of mind, they received the addi-
24146	* Perhaps more properly Psamatik I f Justifying its name, Ashdod, or She-
24147	(Fsmlk) or Psamatichiis. \|
24148	deed, " the strong." (See n. ' cb. l.">7.)
24149	tJm. tJm T-^K 'Z^, Ys*^
24150	'%-^ '^•-^f ^l-L^ T^.S I ^
24151	I X
24152	V
24153	B.C. C64.
p. 380
24154	382
24155	rOLICY OF PSAMMETICHUS.
24156	App. Eook IL
24157	tional affront of being placed in the left wing, while the Greeks
24158	occupied the post of honour in the right ;* they therefore broke
24159	out into open revolt ; and quitting the camp, they united with the
24160	rest of the army in Egypt ; which had become dissatisfied at a
24161	long detention, beyond the usual period of service, in the border
24162	fortresses of Marea, and Daphnse of Pelusium ; and marching up
24163	to Elephantine on the southern frontier, they were joined by
24164	that garrison also, and then withdrew into Ethiopia. -j- At first
24165	the king sent to recall them to their duty ; but in vain ; he there-
24166	fore followed them himself as far as Elephantine, and despatched
24167	some of the Greeks to Lower Ethiopia, with his most faithful
24168	Egyptian adherents, to persuade them to return. Having over-
24169	taken them, they solemnly conjured them not to leave their
24170	country, their wives, and their families ; but deaf to these en-
24171	treaties, they continued their march into the Upper country ;
24172	where they received the welcome they expected from the friend-
24173	ship subsisting between the Ethiopians and Egypt, which had
24174	been so recently ruled by their princes. Out of regard, however,
24175	for the family alliance of the Ethiopian king with Psammetichus,
24176	they were removed far from the Egyptian frontier, and settled
24177	beyond Meroe in certain lands allotted to them by the Ethiopian
24178	king ; where their descendants long continued to live ; retaining
24179	their distinguishing characteristics of " strangers ;" as the Turks
24180	left in Ethiopia, by Soltan Selim, in later times have done, from
24181	1517 A.D. to the present century. It was on this occasion that
24182	the inscription is supposed to have been written at Aboosimbel,
24183	mentioning the journey of Psammetichus to Elephantine.^
24184	This defection of the troops, though it did not precede the
24185	capture of Azotus, prevented Psammetichus from continuing his
24186	conquests in Syria, and recovering the influence there which the
24187	Assyrians had wrested from the Pharaohs ; and obliged him, as
24188	Herodotus states (i. 164, 105), to purchase a peace from the
24189	Scythians, who having overrun all Asia, and penetrated into
24190	Sja'ia, threatened to invade Egypt.
24191	The services of the Ionian and Carian soldiers were rewarded
24192	by him with the gift of certain lands, called afterwards " the
24193	Camps," on the two opposite banks of the Pelusiac branch of the
24194	Nile, below Bubastis ; where they remained, till Amasis, wishing
24195	* This appera-s to have been their
24196	cidef grievance.
24197	t Their reputed number of 240,000
24198	lueu is evidently an exaggeration.
24199	J Mentioned
24200	Book ii
24201	in note ^ on eh. 30,
24202	Herodotus saj s Psammetichus
24203	himself overtook them, which lu, not
24204	probable.
p. 381
24205	ClIAP.VIII.
24206	REVIVAL OF ART — NECO.
24207	383
24208	35.
24209	to employ them, removed them to Memphis. Psammetichus also
24210	entrusted to their care several Egyptian children, to be taught
24211	Greek, from whom the interpreters, in the days of Herodotus,
24212	were descended ; and this was the first time that the Egyptians
24213	relaxed their laws against foreigners and became more favour-
24214	ably disposed towards them. The Greeks too then began to be
24215	better acquainted with the history, philosophy, and customs of
24216	the Egyptians ; though it is surprising that they have given us
24217	little useful or reliable information, respecting a country they
24218	considered so interesting. With all their love of inquiry, and
24219	their enterprising qualities, they were not behind the secluded
24220	Egyptians in prejudice against foreigners, whom they looked
24221	upon as " barbarians ;" and though Herodotus shows they had
24222	now the opportunity of learning everything about Egypt, they
24223	have not even given us the names of all the kings of the 26th
24224	dynasty ; nor any satisfactory account of the customs of the people.
24225	Psammetichus next turned his attention to the internal state of
24226	Egypt, and to the embellishment of the temples. The arts were
24227	highly encouraged, and a fresh impulse being given to them
24228	during tliis and the subsequent reigns, a great improvement took
24229	place in the execution and high finish of the sculptures; and this
24230	period maybe called the "renaissance" of EgyjDtian art.* To
24231	the temples Psammetichus made great additions, in Thebes and
24232	other cities ; at Memphis he added the southern court, or Propy-
24233	Iseum, of the Temple of Pthah, and opposite it a magnificent
24234	edifice for Apis, where he was kept when publicly exhibited ; the
24235	roof of which was supported by colossal Osiride figures, 12 cubits
24236	high ; and it was at this period that the Apis sepulchres near
24237	Memphis began to assume more importance and extent.
24238	Psammetichus I. was succeeded by his son Neco (or Necho), b.c. 610.
24239	whose first care was to improve the commercial prosperity of
24240	Egypt. With this view he began to re-open the canal from the -
24241	Nile to the Eed Sea, till being warned by an oracle that he was
24242	working for the Barbarian, he abandoned his project — a reason
24243	more probable than the one assigned by Diodorus (i. 33) for
24244	Darius not completing it— -"that the Red Sea was higher than
24245	the land of Egypt :'' for the previous completion of the canal
24246	under the second E-emeses, and the experience of the Egyptians
24247	in such operations,! would have shown this to be an error ; like
24248	* See above, § 26.
24249	+ The inconsistency of supposing that
24250	the canal-making Egyptians were in-
24251	debted to the Greelcd
24252	sufficiently obvious.
24253	for this canal is
p. 382
24254	384 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFEICA. App. Book 11.
24255	that in modern times of supposing the Red Sea higher than the
24256	Mediterranean. Nor, even had it been so, would this have been
24257	an impediment ; as the use of shiices, so well known in Egypt,
24258	would have removed it ; and indeed they were actually adopted
24259	there to prevent the sea-water from tainting the canal, as well as
24260	to obviate the effect of the inundation, and of the high tide of
24261	from five to six feet in the Red Sea.
24262	Neco next fitted out some ships, in order to discover if Africa 3G.
24263	was circumnavigable ; * for which purpose he engaged the ser-
24264	vices of certain Phoenician mariners ; and he has the honour of
24265	having been the first to ascertain the peninsular form of that
24266	continent, about twenty-one centuries before Bartolomeo Diaz
24267	and Vasco de Gama After this, taking advantage of the
24268	unsettled condition of Western Asia, he endeavoured to re-
24269	establish the influence of Egypt in that quarter, and to extend
24270	its conquests both by sea and land. He therefore marched a
24271	formidable army into Syria, for the purpose of capturing Carche-
24272	mish on the Euphrates ; when Josiah king of Judah, wishing
24273	probably to ingratiate himself with the Babylonians, and disre-
24274	garding the friendly remonstrances of Neco, ventured to oppose
24275	him in the valley of Megiddo (2 Chron. xxxv. 22). The utter
24276	hopelessness of the attempt is described by the expression (in
24277	2 Kings xxiii. 29), " Pharaoh-Nechoh slew him at
24278	Megiddo, when he had seen him ;" and Neco continued his
24279	march to the Euphrates. This is probably the same event de-
24280	scribed by Herodotus, who says Neco met and routed the Syrians
24281	at Magdolus (Megiddo), and afterwards took Cadytis, a large city
24282	of Syria. Returning victorious from Carchemish, he deposed Je-
24283	hoahaz the son of Josiah, who had been made king, and having
24284	"put the land to a tribute of an hundred talents of silver and a
24285	talent of gold," he made his brother Eliakim (whose name he
24286	changed to Jehoiakim) king in his stead, carrying away Jehoahaz
24287	captive to Egypt. But the power of the Babylonians had now
24288	become firmly established ; and Nebuchadnezzar, king of Baby-
24289	lon, three years afterwards, " in the fourth year of Jehoiakim "
24290	(Jer. xlvi. 2), took from Neco " all that j)ertained" to him,
24291	"from the river (torrent) of Egypt unto the river Euphrates"
24292	(2 Kings xxiv. 7) ; " and the king of Egypt came not again any
24293	more out of his land." t
24294	Neco reigned 16 years, according to Herodotus — a number
24295	* Herod, iv. 42. It See n. «, cli. 159, B. ii.
p. 383
24296	Chap. VIII. APRIES— HIS SUCCESSES AND ARROGANCE. 385
24297	proved to be more correct than the six years of Manetho, by one
24298	of the Apis stelae mentioning his 16th year ; and he was succeeded
24299	by his sou, Psammetichus II., the Psammis of Herodotus, who b.c. 594.
24300	made several additions to the temples of Karnak at Thebes, and
24301	of Lower Egypt. The only remarkable events of his reign were
24302	an expedition into EthiojDia, at which time he erected, or added
24303	to, the small temple, on the east bank opposite Philse ; and the
24304	arrival of an embassy from the Elseans mentioned by Herodotus
24305	(ii. 160). Manetho and Herodotus agree in giving him a reign
24306	of six years. After him his son and successor Apries reigned b.c. 588.
24307	according to the latter 25, according to Manetho 19 years ;
24308	whose hieroglyphical name is found at Tliebes, about Phil«, at
24309	Memphis, and in various places in Lower Egypt, as well as on an
24310	obelisk afterwards removed to Rome ; and one of the Apis steles
24311	mentions a sacred bull, born in the 16th year of Neco, which
24312	was consecrated at Memphis at the end of the first year of Psam-
24313	metichus II.,* and died in the 12th of Apries, having lived nearly
24314	18 years. He was the Pharaoh-Hophra of the Bible, and a con-
24315	temporary of Zedekiah, king of Judah, wdio had been made king
24316	by Nebuchadnezzar ; and who, hoping to throw off the yoke of
24317	Babylon, made a treaty with Egypt.
24318	The successes of Apries promised well ; and he was considered
24319	the most fortunate monarch, who had ruled Egypt, since his
24320	great-grandfather Psammetichus I. (Herod, ii. 161V He also sent
24321	an expedition against Cyprus ; and besieged and took Gaza, and
24322	the city of Sidon ; defeated the king of Tyre by sea, and obliged
24323	"the Chaldseans that besieged Jerusalem" to retire (Jer. xxxvii.
24324	5). So elated was he by these successes, that he thought " not
24325	even a God could overthrow him ;" which accords with the account
24326	of his arrogance in Ezekiel (xxix. 3), where he is called " the
24327	great dragon that lieth in the midst of the rivers, which hath said,
24328	My river is mine own, and I have made it for myself" But
24329	reverses followed, and the prophecy of Jeremiah — "I will give
24330	Pharaoh-Hophra king of Egypt into the hands of his enemies,
24331	and into the hands of them that seek his life" — was fulfilled.
24332	According to Herodotus he had sent an expedition against C3a-ene,
24333	and his troops being defeated, they attributed their disgrace to
24334	the king, and revolted against him ; when Amasis, being sent
24335	by Apries to appease them, was induced to join the revolters.
24336	Upon this Apries advanced to attack them, with his 30,000
24337	* This was generally the year following its birth.
24338	VOL. II. 2 c
p. 384
24339	386 APRIES— NEBUCIIADNEZZAH. App. Book II.
24340	Ionian and Carian auxiliaries (whom he had abstained, out of
24341	prudent motives, from sending against the Greeks of Gyrene),
24342	and with the few Egyptians who remained faithful to him ; and
24343	the two armies having met at Momeraphis, Apries was defeated
24344	and carried a prisoner to Sa'is. Though treated kindly by his
24345	captor, the urgent remonstrances of the Egyptians shortly after-
24346	wards obhged Amasis to put him to death ; and he was buried
24347	in the royal sepulchres of Sais.
24348	Engaged in the war against Gyrene, Apries had not been at
24349	leisure to protect Jerusalem, from which his army had been
24350	immediately withdrawn ; and the Babylonians returned, be-
24351	sieged it in the 9th year and 10th month of Zedekiah (Jer.
24352	xxix, 1, and 2 Kings xxv. 2), and took it in his 11th year ; and
24353	having burnt it, canied away the remnant of the people into
24354	captivity, with the exception of those who were left under Ge-
24355	daliah, the governor of Judaea appointed by Nebuchadnezzar,
24356	and who, on the murder of Gedaliah, fled into Egypt (Jer. xxv.
24357	23—26).
24358	The threat of their being overtaken in Egypt, and of the
24359	throne of Nebuchadnezzar being set on the stones at Tahpanhes,*
24360	with that of the burning and carrying away of the gods of
24361	Egypt, and the breaking of the images in Beth-Shemesh (Heli-
24362	opolis), appear to point to an actual invasion of Egypt by
24363	Nebuchadnezzar during the reign of Apries (Jer. xliii. 10, xliv.
24364	1, 30) ; and the wording of the sentence shows that his
24365	"enemy," and they who "seek his life," apply rather to the
24366	king of Babylon than to Amasis. Berosus and Megasthenes
24367	also mention Nebuchadnezzar having invaded Egypt ; and to
24368	this the jDrophecy of Isaiah (xix, 2) may refer — " I will set the
24369	Egyptians against the Egyptians, and they shall fight every one
24370	against his brother ; . . . . city against city, and kingdom against
24371	kingdom .... The Egyptians will I give into the hand of a
24372	cruel lord, and a fierce king shall rule over them." For though
24373	it seems to relate to an earlier period, when Assyria was power-
24374	ful (the proj)hecy being given soon after the time of Tirhaka),
24375	and mentions the Egyptians being captives of Assyria, it is
24376	more likely to allude to the state of Egypt under Apries, and to
24377	the conquest of the Babylonians.
24378	The tale then of Amasis' rebellion seems only to have been
24379	used to conceal the truth that Apries was deposed by the Baby-
24380	Daphnae of Pelusiuui.
p. 385
24381	Chap. VIII. AMASIS. 387
24382	lonians : and this accords better with the fact of Amasis beinjr a
24383	person of rank, which is shown by the monuments, and by Dio-
24384	dorus, and by his marrying the daughter of Psammetichus III. ;
24385	and he probably came to the throne by the intervention of Nebu-
24386	chadnezzar. The custom of Eastern nations, and the instances
24387	in the Bible at this period, of kings set up by an invader in
24388	the place of a predecessor, on condition of paying tribute, are
24389	too numerous not to render this highly probable ; and thus will
24390	be explained the otherwise pei-plexing prophecy of the 40 years'
24391	humiliation of Egypt (Jer. xlvi. 13, 26; Ezek. xxix. 10, 11).
24392	The great desolation of Egypt, and its being utterly ivaste and
24393	uninhabited 40 years, can only be a figiirative expression; in-
24394	tended to portray the degradation of Egypt, and its fall from the
24395	high position it held before the invasion by Nebuchadnezzar;
24396	since the Bible itself tells us that Hophra obliged the Baby-
24397	lonians to raise the siege of Jerusalem ; and the reig-n of Amasis
24398	is shown by the monuments, and by Herodotus, to have been
24399	one of the most flourishing periods of Egyptian history.*
24400	Of Psammetichus III. some monuments remain at Thebes ;t
24401	but his reign was not noted for any event of importance, and
24402	it is not quite certain whetlier he followed, or preceded, Apries.
24403	His queen's name was Nitocris (JVeith-akri), whose father w^as the
24404	second Psammetichus, and his daughter became the wife of
24405	Amasis.
24406	38. Amasis, Ames, or AaJimes, whose name was the same as that
24407	of the first king of the 18th dynasty (called by way of dis-
24408	tinction Amosis), had the additional title " Neit-se," or "the
24409	son of Neith," the Minerva of Sais, which was the native city of b.c, 569.
24410	the kings of the 26th dynasty, and the royal residence until the
24411	Persian conquest. His reign is said to have lasted 44 years ;
24412	which number has been found on the monuments ; though (as
24413	before observed) it may have been still longer. Herodotus, in
24414	describing the flourishing condition of Egypt at this time,
24415	states that it contained 20,000 well inhabited cities (ii. 177 ;
24416	Plin. v. 11), and, though this number is exaggerated, the country
24417	was prosperous ; and the wealth of individuals is shown by their
24418	splendid tombs at Thebes. The immense booty, too, carried off
24419	by the Persians confirms the statement of the historian ; and the
24420	* See notes on chs. IGl, 177, Book ii.
24421	t Tlie inference resjiecting this dy-
24422	nasty, di'awn from Herodotus not meu-
24423	tiouiug any religious edifices erected b}'
24424	three of its kings, is contradicted by the
24425	monuments. (Grote, Hist. Greece, vol.
24426	iii. p. 448.)
24427	2 c 2
p. 386
24428	388 EGYPTIAN PHALANX. App, Book II.
24429	reign of Amasis was remarkable for the beauty, as well as the
24430	number of the monuments he erected throughout the country,
24431	from the Cataracts to the Delta. Sais in particular was adorned
24432	with grand monuments ; and the magnificent Propylseum, or
24433	court, of the temple of Minerva far excelled any other in size
24434	and beauty, as well as in the dimensions of its stones. Before it
24435	Amasis placed several large colossi, \vith a dromos of gigantic andro-
24436	spinxes, leading to the main entrance ; and here was the immense
24437	monolithic edifice described by Herodotus (ii. 175), which was
24438	brought from the Cataracts, a distance of 700 miles ; and which
24439	only fell short of that of Buto, in its dimensions (Herod, ii.
24440	155). At Memphis, also, the beautiful temple of Isis he built,
24441	and the colossi he placed before the temple of Pthah, and other
24442	monuments, were highly admired ; and a great monolith bearing
24443	his name still remains at Tel-E'traai, in the Delta, similar to,
24444	though smaller than, the one of Sais.*
24445	Amasis did not neglect the military resources of Egypt, nor
24446	allow recent events to impair its power ; for he took Cyprus, and
24447	made it tributary to him (Herod, ii. 178 ; Died. i. 68) ; and the
24448	attention he bestowed on commerce increased the wealth of
24449	Egypt. The Greeks were particularly favom-ed by him, and
24450	their traders were permitted to settle at Naucratis, on the Ca-
24451	nopic branch of the Nile ; where in Herodotus' time they still
24452	had a fine temple (ii. 182). The Egyptians, with their natural
24453	caution, forbad foreign vessels to enter any other than the Canopic
24454	mouth ; and affected at the same time to grant thereby a privi-
24455	lege to Naucratis as the Greek emporium ; but while their
24456	policy, in this respect, was not unlike that of the modern Chinese
24457	towards Europeans, they really adopted a wise precaution against
24458	Greek pirates, by whom the Mediterranean has been so often in-
24459	fested, even to modern times.
24460	Amasis also entered into a treaty with Croesus-f* against
24461	Cyrus ; and Xenophon asserts that he sent him a body of
24462	120,000 men ; which, formed into phalanxes of 10,000 men, each
24463	armed with huge shields, that covered them from head to foot,
24464	with long spears, and with swords called xott/^es- (the Egyptian
24465	shopsli), resisted all the attacks of the Persians in their con-
24466	flict with the Lydian king, and obtained for themselves honour-
24467	able terms from Cyrus ; who gave them an abode in the cities of
24468	Larissa and Cyllene, near Cumse and the sea, where their de-
24469	* See note ^ on oh, 175, Bookii. \| f See note * on ch. 177, Book ii.
p. 387
24470	Chap. VIII. PERSIAN INYASIOX OF EGYPT. 389
24471	scendants remained in the time ofXenophon.* The Eg}'ptian
24472	phalanx was doubtless the origin of those afterwards adopted in
24473	other armies, and of that which became so noted in the days of
24474	Alexander. It was of very early date in Egypt ; and the large
24475	shields, and the peculiar falchions (called shopsh) are the same
24476	that are represented as belonging to the Egyptian heavy infantry,
24477	as early as the 6th dynasty.
24478	The treaty made with the enemy of Persia was certainly
24479	more connected with the subsequent invasion of Egypt than the
24480	tale about Nitetis and Cambyses ; and if aid was actually given,
24481	as Xenophon relates, and a large force lost, the blow thereby
24482	dealt to the power of Egypt would have been an additional
24483	inducement to the Persians to invade it.
24484	It was durino^ the reia^n of Amasis that Solon is said to have
24485	visited Egypt, as well as Thales and Pythagoras ; and his friend-
24486	ship with Poly crates of Samos, and his subsequent abandonment
24487	of his fiiend, are detailed by Herodotus (iii. 41, 48) ; though
24488	Diodorus affirms that it was the injustice of Polycrates to his
24489	subjects which induced Amasis to desert him.
24490	His policy in cultivating the friendship of the Greeks, though
24491	events prevented his profiting much by it, was afterAvards of use
24492	to the Egyptians in their efforts to throw off the yoke of Persia ;
24493	and the preparations now set on foot by the Persians to invade
24494	Egypt made him more anxious to secure it. For in fact, the
24495	son of Cyrus only carried out the designs of his father, when
24496	he made war upon Amasis. But before Cambyses reached
24497	Egypt, Amasis had died, and was succeeded by his son Psam-
24498	menitus, the Psammicherites of Manetho ; whose short reign of
24499	six months was cut short by the Persian conquest, B.C. 525.
24500	39. The Eg}q5tian king, with the Greek auxiliaries, had advanced
24501	to meet the invader at Pelusium ; but after a severe struggle
24502	the Persians prevailed, and the Egyptian aimy fled to XCemphis.
24503	Then shutting themselves up in the fortress called " the White
24504	Wall," they awaited the Persians ; but being unable to resist the
24505	conqueror, the place was taken by assault, and Psammenitus was
24506	made prisoner. Cambyses, however, in accordance with Eastern
24507	custom, -f* and the policy of the Persians, "who honoured the sons
24508	of kings," reinstated him on the throne as his viceroy ; and even
24509	treated the Egyptians with great indulgence, confirming those in
24510	* Some have doubted the truth of I variance with that of Herodotus, i. 77.
24511	this statement of Xenophon, which is at \| f As among the Turks iu later times.
p. 388
24512	390 TWENTY-SEVENTH, OR PERSIAN, DYNASTY. App. Book. II.
24513	office in the same employments tliey had hitherto hehl ; as is
24514	shown by the inscription on a statuette at Eonie of a distinguished
24515	personage of the priestly order, which says that in going to Sai's
24516	Cambyses presented offerings to Neith, and performed the liba-
24517	tions and ceremonies like those kings who had preceded him,
24518	turning out all those who had built houses in the temple of
24519	Neith, and purifying it for the performance of the customary rites.
24520	He also went into the holy places, and, aj^parently, to the tomb
24521	of Osiris, and seems to have been initiated like a Pharaoh ;
24522	receiving also that title with the Egyptian j)renomen " Remesot"
24523	("born of the sun"), added to his nomen " Camhatli ;" accord-
24524	ing to the custom of giving two ovals, or royal names, to each
24525	king. This accords with what Herodotus says of the Egyptians
24526	treating him as one with whom they pretended to claim relation-
24527	ship (iii. 2) ; and Herodotus even admits that Psammenitus was
24528	pardoned, and would have been allowed to govern Egypt as
24529	viceroy, if he had not acted deceitfully towards the Persians ; —
24530	a favour, he observes, afterwards granted by them to Thannyras
24531	the son of Inarus, and to Pausiris the son of Amyrtseus (iii. 15).
24532	It was only after Cambyses had failed in Ethiopia, thcit he be-
24533	came incensed against the Egyptians ; as has been shown by M.
24534	Letronne and M. Ampere. It was then that the calamity hap-
24535	pened to Egypt, which is mentioned on the statuette (of " Out-
24536	a-Hor-soun ;") and from its saying that Darius afterwards ordered
24537	him to return to Egypt while he was in Syria, it is conjectured
24538	that he was one of the medical men taken away by Cambyses,
24539	and that the office of " doctor " is mentioned among his nu-
24540	merous titles.
24541	E.C. 525. \_Tiventy-seventh Dynastu of Persians.'] — Egypt now became 40
24542	a conquered province of Persia, governed by a satrap ; and
24543	Cambyses and his seven successors composed the 27th dynasty.
24544	The conduct of Darius towards the Egyptians was mild and
24545	conciliatory ; and the respect they paid him is shown by the
24546	monuments, and by the testimouy of Diodorus. Many Apis
24547	stelae bearing his name have been found in the sepulchres of
24548	the sacred bulls ; and the principal part of the large temple in
24549	the Great Oasis was built by him, and bears his ovals, with
24550	the same honorary titles which (as Diodorus tells us) were
24551	granted to the ancient sovereigns of the country. Still the
24552	Egyptians, impatient of foreign rule, revolted from the Persians
24553	in the year before the death of Darius, and succeeded in expell-
24554	ing them from the country ; but in the second year of Xerxes
p. 389
24555	.Chap. YIII.
24556	28th AXr> 29th DYNASTIES.
24557	391
24558	41.
24559	they were again reduced to subjection, and Achsemenes his brother
24560	was made governor of the country.
24561	In the fifth year of Artaxerxes (B.C. 458 ?) the Egyptians again
24562	revolted ; and assisted by the Athenians they defied the force
24563	of 400,000 men and the fleet of 200 sail sent against them by
24564	Artaxerxes. Headed by Inarus the Libyan the son of Psam-
24565	metichus, and AmyrtaBus of Sais, they routed the Persians with a
24566	loss of 100,000 men; and Achsemenes received his death wound
24567	from the hand of Inarus. But Artaxerxes resolving to subdue
24568	Egypt sent a still larger force, about four years after this, add-
24569	ing 200,000 men and 800 ships to the remnant of the former
24570	army, under the command of Megabyzus and Artabazus ; when
24571	after an obstinate conflict, Inarus being wounded by Hegabyzus,
24572	the Egyptians were routed (b.c. 452 ?). Inarus, with a body of
24573	Greeks, having fled to Byblus, which was strongly fortified, ob-
24574	tained for himself and his companions a promise of pardon, but
24575	was afterwards treacherously crucified by order of Artaxerxes,
24576	to satisfy Amytis and revenge the death of her son Achsemenes.
24577	Amyi'tasus,- more fortunate than his coadjutor, escaj)ed to the
24578	isle of Elbo ; and in the loth year of Artaxerxes (B.C. 449-8)
24579	the Athenians having sent a fleet to the assistance of the Egyp-
24580	tians, hopes were once more entertained of restoring him to the
24581	throne. The project, however, was abandoned, and Egypt
24582	remained tranquil. It was probably about this time that Pau-
24583	siris was made viceroy of Egj^t by the Persians — his father
24584	being still concealed in the marshes — and the post being a
24585	nominal one, surrounded as he would be by the Persians, it was
24586	a favour that entailed no risk on their authority. But it failed
24587	to reconcile the conquered to the presence of their conquerors.
24588	\_Twenty-eighth and Twenty^iinth Dynasties.'] — At length the b.c. 411.
24589	hatred of Persian rule once more led the Egyptians to revolt ;
24590	and in the 10th year of Darius Nothus (b.c. 411 ?) they succeeded
24591	in completely freeing their country from the Persians ; when
24592	Amyrteeus became independent master of Egypt. His reign
24593	constituted the 28th dynasty. Amyrteeus ruled six years, and
24594	having made a treaty with the Arabians, he rendered his frontier
24595	secure from aggression in that quarter ; so that the sceptre passed
24596	without interruption into the hands of his successors,* the four
24597	Mendesian kings of the 29th dynasty. The first of these was
24598	* This does not require his age to
24599	have been so great as some have sup-
24600	posed ; for, if born in 484 B.C., Amyr-
24601	tseus would only have been 79 at his
24602	death (b.c. 405), and 18 at his first
24603	revolt.
p. 390
24604	392
24605	THIRTIETH DYNASTY— NECTANEBO. App. Book II.
24606	B.C. 405. Nepherites {Nefaorot of the hieroglyphics) who ruled six years,
24607	according to Manetho.* In his reign Egypt enjoyed its liberty ;
24608	and Nepherites was able even to send assistance to the Lacedae-
24609	monians against the common enemy, though his fleet of 100
24610	ships laden with corn for their army having put into Rhodes was
24611	captured by the Persians, who had lately obtained possession of
24612	that island.
24613	Acoris, his successor, reigned 13 years (B.C. 399-386). Having
24614	made a treaty with Euagoras king of Cyprus, and secured the
24615	friendship of the Lacedaemonians, and of Gaus, the son of Tamus,
24616	an Egyptian who commanded the Persian fleet, he remained
24617	undisturbed by the Persians ; and during this time he added
24618	considerably to the temiales of Thebes and other places, and
24619	especially to the sculptures of one at Eileithyias left unfinished
24620	by the second Remeses.-f- Of Psammuthis and Muthis, who
24621	reigned each one year, and of Nepherites II., who reigned
24622	four months, little is known either from historians, or from the
24623	monuments ; and the only one of them mentioned in the sculp-
24624	tures is the first, whose name Pse-maut (" the son of Maut") is
24625	found at Thebes. The dates too at this time are very uncertain ;
24626	and the accession of the next, or 30th dynasty, of three Seben-
24627	nytic kings, is variously placed in 387 and 381 B.C.
24628	[^Thirtieth Dynast y?\^ — This dynasty continued 38, or according
24629	to Eiisebius 20, years. The first king was Nectanebo {Nahht-
24630	neh-f). During his reign the Persians sent a large force under
24631	Pharnabazus and Iphicrates to recover Egypt, but owing to the
24632	dissension of the two generals, and the care taken by Necta-
24633	nebo to secure the defences of the country, the Persians were
24634	unable to re-establish their authority, and entangled amidst the
24635	channels of the rising Nile they were forced to retreat. Necta-
24636	nebo had therefore leisure to adorn the temples of Egypt, in
24637	many of which his name may still be seen ; and he was probably
24638	the last of the Pharaohs who erected an obelisk. Pliny, who
24639	calls him Nectabis, says it was without hieroglyphics.
24640	After 13 years (or 10 according to Eusebius) B.C. 369, Nec-
24641	tanebo was succeeded by Teos or Tachos, who profiting by the
24642	disturbed state of the dominions of Persia, and wishing still
24643	further to weaken her power, entered into a treaty with the
24644	Lacedsemonians, and determined to attack her in Asia. The
24645	force, commanded
24646	Lacedaemonians having furnished a
24647	strong
24648	42.
24649	* Diodorus mentions a Psammetichns,
24650	who preceded Nepherites, or Nephreiis.
24651	t I formerly supposed this temple to
24652	have been of an older king Uchoreus.
p. 391
24653	Chap. VIII. THIKTY-FIRST DYNASTY— OCHUS. 393
24654	by Agesilaus in person, and assisted by a fleet under Chabrias
24655	the Athenian, Tachos advanced into Syria, taking upon himself
24656	the supreme direction of the expedition. But in the course of
24657	the campaign his nephew Nectanebo, whom he had detached
24658	from the army with a large body of Egyptian troops, made a
24659	party against him, and being assisted by his father, called also
24660	Nectanebo, who had been appointed governor of Egypt by Ta-
24661	chos during his absence, openly revolted. Agesilaus, already
24662	affronted at the treatment he had received from Tachos, gladly
24663	supported the pretender ; and Chabrias, who had refused to join
24664	him, having been recalled by the Athenians, Tachos was unable
24665	to maintain his authority, and having fled to Sidon, and thence
24666	into Persia, his nephoAV Nectanebo II. was declared king (B.C.
24667	361). There was, however, a rival competitor in a Mendesian
24668	chief, who putting himself at the head of the people, and favoured
24669	by the incapacity of Nectanebo would have succeeded in wresting
24670	the sceptre from his grasp, had he not been opposed by the
24671	talents of Agesilaus, who crushed him at once, and secured Nec-
24672	tanebo on the throne.
24673	43. Though preparations were set on foot by Artaxerxes to recover
24674	Egypt, no expedition was sent thither by him, and dying in
24675	363 B.C. he was succeeded by Ochus, or Artaxerxes III., in
24676	whose reign some attempts were made to reconquer the country,
24677	but without success ; the consequence of which failure was a con-
24678	federacy between Nectanebo and the Phoenicians, who were thus
24679	encouraged to throw off the yoke of Persia. To aid them in
24680	their revolt, and expel the Persians, Nectanebo sent them 4000
24681	Greeks under the orders of Mentor the Rhodian ; but Ochus
24682	having soon afterwards put liimself at the head of a formidable
24683	army advanced into, and overran all, Phoenicia ; and Mentor
24684	having deserted to the enemy, Nectanebo was forced to take
24685	measures for the defence of his own country. Pelusium was
24686	garrisoned by 5000 Greeks, and his army, composed of 100,000
24687	men, of whom 10,000 were Greeks, prepared to repel the invader.
24688	And had it not been for the blunders of Nectanebo, the Persians
24689	might have been again foiled, as their chief attack on Pelusium
24690	was repulsed ; but Nectanebo, panic-struck on seeing the Persians
24691	occupy an unguarded point, and fearing lest his retreat should be
24692	cut ofl", fled to Memphis. Pelusium then surrendered, and
24693	Mentor, who had accompanied the Persians, having taken all the
24694	fortified places of Lower Egypt, Nectanebo retired into Ethiopia
24695	and Egypt once more became a Persian province.
24696	VOL. II. 2 D
p. 392
24697	394 DURATION OF EGYPTIAN TOWER. App. Book II.
24698	B.C. 343, \_Thirty-jirst Dynasty?^ — The reign of Oclius is represented to 44.
24699	have been most cruel and oppressive. Persecuting the people,
24700	and insulting their religion, he ordered the sacred bull Apis to
24701	be roasted and eaten, so that the Egj^tians, according to Plu-
24702	tarch, " represented him in their catalogue of kings by a sword "
24703	(de Is. s. 2). He had recovered the country in his 20th year,
24704	and reigned over it two years, and being followed by Arses and
24705	Darius, these three compose Manetho's 31st dynasty, which was
24706	terminated by Alexander's conquest of Egypt (B.C. 332), and
24707	the rule of the Macedonian kings. These constituted the
24708	Ptolemaic, or Lagide, dynasty ; and at length in 30 B.C. Egypt
24709	became a Roman province.
24710	Though Egypt had long ceased to be a dominant kingdom
24711	before the time of the Caesars, the duration of its power, without
24712	reckoning its revival as a state under the Ptolemies, was far
24713	greater than generally fell to the lot of other nations ; and when
24714	we compare with it the brief glory of the Persian empire to the
24715	conquest by Alexander, or that of Babylon, or even the whole
24716	period of Assyrian greatness, we find that Egypt continued to
24717	be a conquering state, and extended its arms beyond its own
24718	frontier for a far longer period than any of those countries ;
24719	and calculating only its most glorious days, from the reign of
24720	Thothmes III. to that of Neco, when it lost its possessions in
24721	Asia, it may be said to have lasted as a powerful kingdom
24722	upwards of 800 years. [For the various monuments erected by
24723	different Egyptian kings, see the Historical Chapter in my
24724	' Manners and Customs of the Antient Egyptians,' and my
24725	' Topography of Thebes,' and ' Modem Egyptians.'] (G. W.)
p. 393
24726	THE THIKD BOOK
24727	OP THE
24728	HISTORY OF HERODOTUS,
24729	ENTITLED THALIA.
24730	1. The above-mentioned Amasis was tlie Egyptian
24731	king against whom Cambyses, son of Cyrus, made his
24732	exjDedition ; and with him went an army composed of
24733	the many nations under his rule, among them being
24734	included both Ionic and tEoHc Greeks. The reason
24735	of the invasion was the following.^ Cambyses, by the
24736	advice of a certain Egyptian, who was angr^^ with
24737	Amasis for having torn him from his wife and children,
24738	and given him over to the Persians, had sent a herald
24739	to Amasis to ask his daughter in marriage. His
24740	adviser was a physician, whom Amasis, when Cyrus
24741	had requested that he would send him the most skilful
24742	of all the Egyptian eye-doctors,^ singled out as the best
24743	' Dahhuann has well remarked, that
24744	the alliance of Egj'pt with Lydia (vide
24745	supra, i. 77) was quite suflicient ground
24746	of quarrel, without further personal
24747	naotives. And Herodotus had already
24748	told us that the subjugation of Egypt
24749	was among the designs of Cyrus (i.
24750	153). Indeed, two motives of a public
24751	character, each by itself enough to
24752	account for the attack, urged the Per-
24753	sian arms in this direction ; viz., re-
24754	venge, and the lust of conquest. Mr.
24755	Grote has noticed the " impulse of ag-
24756	grandisement," which formed the pre-
24757	dominant characteristic of the Persian
24758	nation at tliis period (vol. iv. p. 292).
24759	VOL. II.
24760	And the fact that the Egyptians had
24761	dared to join in the gi'eat alliance
24762	against the growing Persian power,
24763	would render them more particularly
24764	obnoxious. But " the spirit of the
24765	time" (asDahlmann observes), "fram-
24766	ing its policy upon the influence of
24767	persons rather than things, required a
24768	more individual motive." (Life of He-
24769	rod, ch. vii. § 3.)
24770	^ Vide supra, ii. 84. The Persians
24771	have always distrusted their own skill
24772	in medicine, and depended on foreign
24773	aid. Egyptians first, and afterwards
24774	Greeks, were the court phj'sicians of
24775	theAchEemenidae. (Vide infra, iii. 129,
p. 394
24776	396 CAUSES OF CAMBYSES' EXPEDITION". Book III.
24777	from the wliole number. Therefore the Egyptian bore
24778	Amasis a grudge, and his reason for urging Cambyses
24779	to ask the hand of the king's daughter was, that if he
24780	compHed, it might cause him annoyance ; if he refused,
24781	it might make Cambyses his enemy. When the mes-
24782	sage came, Amasis, who much dreaded the power of
24783	the Persians, was greatly perplexed whether to give
24784	his daughter or no ; for that Cambyses did not intend
24785	to make her his wife, but would only receive her
24786	as his concubine, he knew for certain. He therefore
24787	cast the matter in his mind, and finally resolved
24788	what he would do. There was a daughter of the late
24789	king Apries, named Nitetis,^ a tall and beautiful
24790	woman, the last survivor of that royal house. Amasis
24791	took this woman, and, decking her out with gold
24792	and costly garments, sent her to Persia as if she
24793	had been his own child. Some time afterwards, Cam-
24794	byses, as he gave her an embrace, happened to call her
24795	by her father's name, whereupon she said to him, " I
24796	see, 0 king, thou knowest not how thou hast been
24797	cheated by Amasis ; who took me, and, tricking me
24798	out with gauds, sent me to thee as his own daughter.
24799	But I am in truth the child of Apries, who was his
24800	lord and master, until he rebelled against him, together
24801	with the rest of the Egyptians, and put him to death."
24802	and note the cases of Democedes, Ap-
24803	pollonides of Cos, Poljxritus of Mende,
24804	and Ctesias.) Frank ];ihysicians are
24805	in similar favour at the present day.
24806	On the subject of the subdivisions of
24807	the medical profession in Egj-jit, see
24808	Sir G. Wilkinson's note to Book ii.
24809	ch. 84.
24810	^ This account, which Herodotus
24811	says was that of the Persians, is ut-
24812	terly inadmissible, as Nitdtis would
24813	have been more than forty years of age
24814	when Cambyses came to the throne.
24815	That of the Egyptians, who pretended
24816	Alexander the Great having been born
24817	of a Persian princess. (See Malcolm's
24818	Persia, vol. i. 4, p. 70, and At. Eg,
24819	vol. i. p. 194.) The name Nitetis
24820	is Egyptian, and answers to Atheno-
24821	dora, or Athenodota in Greek. The
24822	Egyi^tian statement that Nitetis was
24823	sent to Cyrus, is more plausible on
24824	the score of her age ; but it is not
24825	probable. Athena?us (Deipn. xiii. p.
24826	360) makes the demand come from
24827	Cambyses, and places this war among
24828	those caused by women. May the
24829	story have originated in a >\'itocris
24830	that Cambyses was the son of a j having been married to Nebuchad-
24831	daughter of Apries, is quite eastern, \| nezzar ? — [G. W.]
24832	and resembles the Persian story of \|
p. 395
24833	Chap. 2, 3. LEGEND OF NITETIS. 397
24834	It was this speech, and the cause of quarrel it disclosed,
24835	which roused the anger of Cambyses, son of Cyrus, and
24836	brought his arms upon Egypt. Such is the Persian
24837	story.
24838	2. The Egyptians, however, claim Cambyses as be-
24839	longing to them, declaring that he was the son of this
24840	Nitetis. It was Cyrus, they say, and not Cambyses,
24841	who sent to Amasis for his daughter. But here they
24842	mis-state the truth. Acquainted as they are beyond all
24843	other men with the laws and customs of the Persians,
24844	they cannot but be well aware, first, that it is not the
24845	Persian wont to allow a bastard to reign when there is
24846	a legitimate heir ; and next, that Cambyses was the son
24847	of Cassandane,^ the daughter of Pharnaspes, an Ach^e-
24848	menian, and not of this Egyptian. But the fact is,
24849	that they pervert history, in order to claim relationship
24850	with the house of Cyrus. Such is the truth of this
24851	matter.
24852	3. I. have also heard another account, which I do not
24853	at all believe, — that a Persian lady came to visit the
24854	wives of Cyrus, and seeing how tall and beautiful were
24855	the children of Cassandane, then standing by, broke out
24856	into loud praise of them, and admired them exceedingly.
24857	But Cassandane, wife of Cyrus, answ^ered, " Though
24858	such the children I have borne him, yet Cyrus slights
24859	me and gives all his regard to the new-comer from
24860	Egypt." Thus did she express her vexation on
24861	account of Nitetis : whereupon Cambyses, the eldest of
24862	her boys, exclaimed, " Mother, when I am a man, I
24863	will turn Egypt upside down for you." He was but
24864	ten years old, as the tale runs, when he said this, and
24865	astonished all the women, yet he never forgot it after-
24866	* Ctesias made Cambyses the son [ (see the Essays aiipended to Book i,
24867	of a certain Amytis (Persic. Excerpt. \| Essay iii. § 9, p. 413). Dino (Fr. 11)
24868	§ 10), according to him the daughter J andLynceas of Xaucratis (Fr. 2)niade
24869	of Astya,2;es — a person not otherwise j him the son of Nitetis, adopting the
24870	known, hut whose name recalls that of \|
24871	Egy[:)tian stoiy.
24872	the Median wife of Nebuchadnezzar
24873	2 e2
p. 396
24874	398
24875	ENTRANCE INTO EGYPT.
24876	Book III.
24877	wards ; and on this account, they say, when he came to
24878	be a man, and mounted the throne, he made his expedi-
24879	tion against Egypt.
24880	4. There was another matter, quite distinct, which
24881	helped to bring about the expedition. One of the mer-
24882	cenaries of Amasis,^ a Hahcarnassian, Phanes by name,
24883	a man of good judgment, and a brave warrior, dissatis-
24884	fied for some reason or other with his master, deserted
24885	the service, and, taking ship, fled to Cambyses, wishing
24886	to get speech with him. As he was a person of no small
24887	account among the mercenaries, and one who could
24888	give very exact intelligence about Egypt, Amasis,
24889	anxious to recover him, ordered that he should be
24890	pursued. He gave the matter in charge to one of the
24891	most trusty of the eunuchs, who went in quest of
24892	the Hahcarnassian in a vessel of war. The eunuch
24893	caught him in Lycia, but did not contrive to bring him
24894	back to Egypt, for Phanes outwitted him by making
24895	his guards drunk, and then escaping into Persia. Now
24896	it happened that Cambyses was meditating his attack
24897	on Egypt, and doubting how he might best pass the
24898	desert, when Phanes arrived, and not only told him all
24899	the secrets of Amasis, but advised him also how the
24900	desert might be crossed. He counselled him to send
24901	an ambassador to the king of the Arabs,^ and ask him
24902	for safe-conduct through the region.
24903	5. Now the only entrance into Egypt is by this de-
24904	sert : the country from Phoenicia to the borders of the
24905	city Cadytis'' belongs to the people called the Palgestine
24906	* The Carian and Ionian mercenaries
24907	mentioned repeatedly in the second
24908	Book (chs. 152, 154, 163, &c.). Phanes,
24909	the Hahcarnassian, might have been
24910	kno^^^l to the father of Herodotus.
24911	•^ Herodotus appears to have thought
24912	that the Arabs were united under the
24913	government of a single king. Senna-
24914	cherib (ii. 141) is " king of the Ara-
24915	bians and Assyrians ;" and here the
24916	ally of Cambyses is spoken of through-
24917	out as '■'the king of the Arabians"
24918	(o ^aaiXeiis tcov 'Apa^icop). This can-
24919	not really have been the case ; and the
24920	prince in question can have been no
24921	more than tlie most powerful sheikh in
24922	those parts, whose safe-conduct was
24923	respected by all the tribes.
24924	7 That is, Gaza (vide supra, Book ii.
24925	ch. 159, note ^).
p. 397
24926	Chap. 4, 5.
24927	CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY.
24928	399
24929	Syrians ;^ from Cadytis, which it appears to me is a
24930	city almost as large as Sardis, the marts upon the coast
24931	till you reach Jenysus ® are the Arabian king's;^'' after
24932	Jenysus the Syrians again come in, and extend to Lake
24933	Serbonis, near the place where Mount Casius juts out
24934	into the sea. At Lake Serbonis, where the tale goes
24935	that Typhon hid himself, Egypt begins. Now the
24936	8 By tlie " Pala^stine Syrians," or
24937	" Syi-ians of Palfestine " (ii. 104, vii.
24938	89), Herodotus has been generally
24939	supposed to mean exclusively the
24940	Jews ; but there are no sufficient
24941	grounds for limiting the term to them.
24942	The Jews in the time of Herodotus
24943	must have been a very insignificant
24944	element in the population of the
24945	country known to him as Palestine
24946	S^Tia (iii. 91), which seems to extend
24947	from Cilicia on the north to Egj-pt on
24948	the south, and thus to include the entire
24949	" Sj'ria " of Scripture and of the geo-
24950	gi-aphers (Scylax. Peripl. pp. 98-102 ;
24951	Strab. xvi. p. 1063 et seq. ; Ptol. v.
24952	15, &c.). Palestine Syria means pro-
24953	perly " the Syria of the Philistines,"
24954	who were in ancient times by far the
24955	most powerful race of southern Spia
24956	(cf. Gen. sxi. 32-4, xxvi. 14-8 ; Ex.
24957	xiii. 17, (Src), and who are thought
24958	by some to have been the Hyksos or
24959	Shepherd-invaders of E^yj^t (Lepsius,
24960	Chron. der Egypter, p. 341). To
24961	southern Spia the name has always
24962	attached in a peculiar wav (Polemo.
24963	Fr. 13 ; Strab. xvi. p. 1103; Plin. H.
24964	N. V. 12 ; Pomp. Mel. i. 11 ; Ptol.
24965	1. s. c), but Herodotus seems to ex-
24966	tend the term to the entire country as
24967	far as the range of Amanus. (See espe-
24968	ciallj' iii. 91.) Even in southern Spia
24969	the Jews were but one out of many
24970	tribes, and the Philistines continued
24971	powerful dowTi to the time at which
24972	Herodotus wrote (Zech. ix. 5-6). The
24973	common notion that Herodotus by his
24974	"Syrians of Palestine" means the
24975	Jews, rests chiefly upon the statement
24976	(ii. 104) that they practised circum-
24977	cision, which is thought to have been
24978	an exclusively Jewish rite. But it
24979	may be questioned whether the sur-
24980	rounding nations had not by the time
24981	of Herodotus adopted to some extent
24982	the practice from the Jews. Or He-
24983	rodotus, who knew but little of Spia,
24984	may have regarded as a general custom
24985	what he had known practised by some
24986	Syrians, who were really Jews.
24987	^ Jenysus has been generally iden-
24988	tified with the modem Klian Yoones,
24989	about 15 miles S. W. of Gaza (G?u'z-
24990	zeh), about 55 eastward of the Lake
24991	Serbonis (Sitbukhet Burdwdl, "the
24992	salt-marsh of Baldwin "), and 88 from
24993	Mount Casius. But this is to build
24994	on a mere accidental resemblance of
24995	name. KJian Yoones, " the resting-
24996	place of Jonas," derives its apyiellation
24997	from the Islamitic tradition that this
24998	was the place where Jonah was thrown
24999	up by the whale. The name is there-
25000	fore not older in the countrj"- than the
25001	7th century of our era.
25002	It may further be remarked that as
25003	Jenysus was only three days' journey
25004	from Mount Casius, its site is to be
25005	sought very much nearer to Egj-pt
25006	than Khan Yoones. This removes
25007	some of Mr. Blakesley's objections
25008	(Excursus on Book iii. ch. 5) to the
25009	identification of Gaza with Cadytis.
25010	'" The ancient geographers did not
25011	usuallj' extend Arabia to the coast of
25012	the Mediterranean. The Periplus of
25013	Scylax is imperfect at this jjart, but
25014	apparently there was no mention of
25015	Arabia. Strabo expressly says that
25016	the S^^ians and Jews fill up the coast-
25017	line, and that Arabia lies heloiu these
25018	nations. (Book xvi. pp. 1088-1091.)
25019	Niebuhi- remarks (Yortrage iiber alte
25020	Geschichte, vol. i. p. 149), that the
25021	Arabians here spoken of must have
25022	been the Iduma^ans or Edomites, who
25023	spoke the Arabic, not the Canaanitish
25024	language. Strabo, however, seems to
25025	jilace the Idumctans further to the
25026	west, in the vicinity of Mount Casius
25027	(xvi. p. 1081).
p. 398
25028	400
25029	STORING OF WATEE.
25030	Book III.
25031	wliole tract between Jenysns on the one side, and Lake
25032	Serbonis and Mount Casiiis on the other, and this is no
25033	small space, being as much as three days' journey, is a
25034	dry desert without a drop of water.
25035	6. I shall now mention a thing of which few of those
25036	who sail to Egypt are aware. Twice a year wine is
25037	brought into Egypt from every part of Greece, as well as
25038	from Phoenicia, in earthen jars ;^ and yet in the whole
25039	country you will nowhere see, as I may say, a single jar.
25040	What then, every one will ask, becomes of the jars ?
25041	This, too, I will clear up. The burgomaster^ of each
25042	town has to collect the wine-jars within his district, and
25043	to carry them to Memphis, where they are all filled
25044	with water by the Memphians, who then convey them
25045	to this desert tract of Syria. And so it comes to pass
25046	that all the jars which enter Egypt year by year, and
25047	are there put up to sale, find their way into Syria,
25048	whither all the old jars have gone before them.
25049	7. This way of keeping the passage into Egypt fit for
25050	use by storing water there, was begun by the Persians
25051	so soon as they became masters of that country. As,
25052	however, at the time of which we speak the tract had
25053	not yet been so supplied, Cambyses took the advice of
25054	his Halicarnassian guest, and sent messengers to the
25055	Arabian to beg a safe-conduct through the region.
25056	The Arabian granted his jorayer, and each pledged faith
25057	to the other.
25058	8. The Arabs keep such pledges more religiously
25059	^ Besides the quantity of -wine
25060	made in Egj^pt, a great sui^ply was
25061	annually imported from Greece, after
25062	the trade was opened with tliat coun-
25063	try. Fragments of wine jars are very
25064	commonly found in Egypt, and at the
25065	bottom of them is a pitchy or resinous
25066	sediment. This was either put in to
25067	preserve the wine, or was in conse-
25068	quence of its having been used in old
25069	times to ] repare the inside of the
25070	skins, after they were cured (as is still
25071	done in a\ ater-skins) ; and afterwards
25072	continued in the jars from early habit.
25073	If they had wished to coat the inside
25074	of the porous jar, they would rather
25075	have used tasteless wax. See At. Eg;.
25076	vol. ii. p. 158 to 168, and compare
25077	note « on Book ii. ch. 48.— [G. W.]
25078	^ The " demarch " in the original.
25079	The demarchs ajipear to have been the
25080	governors of towns, the noviarchs (ii.
25081	177) of cantons. The latter continued
25082	even under the Romans. (Strab. xvii.
25083	p. 1132.)
p. 399
25084	Chap. 6-8.
25085	ARABIAN PLEDGES.
25086	401
25087	than almost any other people.^ They plight faith with
25088	the forms following. When two men would swear a
25089	friendship, they stand on each side of a third :* he with
25090	a sharp stone makes a cut on the inside of the hand of
25091	each near the middle finger, and, taking a piece from
25092	their dress, dips it in the blood of each, and moistens
25093	therewith seven stones ^ lying in the midst, calling the
25094	while on Bacchus and Urania. After this, the man who
25095	makes the pledge commends the stranger (or the citizen,
25096	if citizen he be) to all his friends, and they deem them-
25097	^ The fidelity of the Arabs to their
25098	engagements is noticed by all travel-
25099	lers. Denliam saj^s, "• The Arabs
25100	have been commended by the ancients
25101	for the fidelity of their attachments,
25102	and they are still scnipnlously exact
25103	to their words." (Travels, vol. i. p.
25104	69.) Mr. Kinglake remarks, " It is
25105	not of the Bedouins that travellers
25106	are afraid, for the safe-conduct gi-anted
25107	by the Chief of the ruling tribe is
25108	never, I believe, violated." (Eothen,
25109	15. 191.) Tlie latter wi-iter is speaking
25110	of the Arabs who occupy the desert
25111	crossed by Cambyses.
25112	* The Arabs have still the same
25113	custom of maldng a third party wit-
25114	ness to, and responsible for, their
25115	oath. When any one commits an
25116	offence against another individual, he
25117	also endeavours to find a mediator
25118	to intercede in his behalf, and the
25119	tent of that person becomes an asylum
25120	(like the refuge city of the Jews,
25121	Numb. XXXV. 11), until the compact
25122	has been settled. This was also a
25123	Greek custom (siipra, i. 35), as in the
25124	case of accidental homicide. — [G. W.]
25125	* Events were often recorded in
25126	the East by stones. (Comp. the 12
25127	stones placed in the bed of the Jordan.)
25128	The number 7 had an imj )ortant mean-
25129	ing (as in the Bible frequently), as well
25130	as 4. The former was tlie fortunate
25131	mrmber. (Of the week of 7 days, see
25132	note on Bk. ii. ch. 82.) It was also
25133	a sacred number with the Persians.
25134	Four implied "completion," or "per-
25135	fection" (like the doable 12, or 24,
25136	with the modem Arabs). The square.
25137	or four-sided figure had the same signi-
25138	fication ; whence Simonides calls a man
25139	" square as to his feet, his hands, and
25140	his mind;" and the " Terpaycoi/oj;" of
25141	Aristotle (Ehet. iii. xi. 2, " olov top
25142	ayadov av8pa (pdvai eivat. Terpdycovov
25143	fieracjiopd") is revived in a modern
25144	metaj^hor. (>See Clemens Strom, v. p.
25145	562 ; of the Pythagorean notions, Plut.
25146	de Isid. s. 30 ; and of various mean-
25147	ings attached to numbers At. Eg.
25148	vol. iv. p. 190 to 199.)
25149	Seven may have derived its import-
25150	ance from being the natm-al division
25151	of the old lunar month into weeks of
25152	7 daj's, or 4 quarters of 7 days each ;
25153	and from 4 being the number of
25154	weeks tliat composed it, came the idea
25155	of " completion." The 12 months
25156	led to the very conventional duode-
25157	cimal division ; the division by 10
25158	being of later time, when the months
25159	were made to consist of 30 days ; and
25160	from their division by 3 (3x10 = 30)
25161	came the idea of the three seasons of
25162	the year, 3x4=12 months. Man
25163	may have begun counting by 10, from
25164	the fingers of the two hands (comp.
25165	TrefXTrdCfo-dai, Plut. de Is. s. 56), but
25166	duodecimal seems to have preceded
25167	decimal division of time, which alone
25168	was capable of giving such important
25169	meanings to numbers. The Jews
25170	made the number 10 an important
25171	division at a very early time, as the
25172	ten commandments, the tenth of tithe
25173	was given by Jacob, Gen. xxviii. 22 ;
25174	comp. Exod. xviii. 21; and twelve
25175	also, as the 12 tribes, &c. See ch.
25176	vii. App. of Bk. ii.— [G. W.]
p. 400
25177	402
25178	WATEK BROUGHT FROM THE CORYS.
25179	Book III.
25180	selves bound to stand to the engagement. They have
25181	but these two gods, to wit, Bacchus and Urania ;'' and
25182	they say that in their mode of cutting the hair, they
25183	follow Bacchus. Now their j)ractice is to cut it in a
25184	ring, away from the temples. Bacchus they call in
25185	their language Orotal, and Urania, Alilat.''
25186	9. When, therefore, the Arabian had pledged his faith
25187	to the messengers of Cambyses, he straightway con-
25188	trived as follows : — he filled a number of camels' skins
25189	witli water, and loading therewith all the live camels
25190	that he possessed, drove them into the desert, and
25191	awaited the coming of the army. This is the more
25192	likely of the two tales that are told. The other is an
25193	improbable story, but, as it is related, I think that I
25194	ought not to pass it by. There is a great river in
25195	Arabia, called the Corys,^ which empties itself into
25196	the Erythraean sea. The Arabian king, they say,
25197	8 There can be little doubt that the
25198	religion of the Arabians in the time
25199	of Herodotus was astral — "the wor-
25200	ship of the host of heaven." It maj-
25201	perhaps be questioned whether this
25202	form of worship is so peculiarly Ara-
25203	bian as to entitle it to the distinctive
25204	name, which it usually bears, of (S'o-
25205	hxanism. But the astral character of
25206	the old Arabian idolatrj' is indubitable.
25207	The Bacchus and Urania of Herodotus
25208	are therefore with reason taken to repre-
25209	sent the Sun and the Moon. (Wesse-
25210	ling ad loc.) The derivation of the
25211	word Orotal is very doubtful. Possibly
25212	it may be connected, as Wesseling
25213	thought, with the Hebrew "liX, "light."
25214	Alilat seems to be only a variant of
25215	Alitta (i. 131), which has been already
25216	ex]ilained (note ad loc).
25217	' Urotal has been supposed to be
25218	" AUah-taal," the same name as now
25219	used by the Arabs for the Deity, sig-
25220	nifying "God the exalted." Alilat
25221	may be merely " Goddesses," as in
25222	the beginning of the speech of Hanno,
25223	in the Pojnulus of Plautus, alonim
25224	v'alonuth, "gods and goddesses," or it
25225	may be the same as Alitta, the goddess
25226	of childbirth. (See Essay i. in the
25227	Appendix to this Book.) " The idols "
25228	of Egypt, in Isaiah xix. 3, are called
25229	A'lihm, D^^^^N " gods," in Genesis iii.
25230	5, A'lehim (Elohim, or Alhim) D^n^N,
25231	which is the same as applied to " God "
25232	in the same verse and elsewhere. Al
25233	("?«) is " God," or the " mightv." In
25234	Arabic, Allah is " God," and illah,
25235	" deity," as la illah il' allah, " there
25236	is no deity but God." Alehi or Alhi,
25237	is a "God," as Alhi Ekron, "the
25238	God of Ekron" (2 Kings i. 2) ; Awel,
25239	" first," is also related to it. Scaliger
25240	and Selden suppose Alilat to be the
25241	same as the moon, or night, the leleh
25242	(layleh) of Hebrew and Arabic. If
25243	so, Urotal should be referred to the
25244	day, or the sun, the Aor "light" of
25245	Hebrew.— [G. W.]
25246	" The Corys is supposed to be the
25247	small torrent of Core, mentioned by
25248	Abulfeda. Its su]iplying the army of
25249	Cambyses, and the channel of skins
25250	for conveying the water are a fable.
25251	A supply of water in skins carried by
25252	camels might be the origin of the
25253	story.— [G. W.]
p. 401
25254	Chap. 9, 10. PEODIGY OF FALL OF RAIN AT THEBES.
25255	403
25256	made a pipe of the skins of oxen and other beasts,
25257	reaching from this river all the way to the desert, and
25258	so brought the water to certain cisterns which he had
25259	had dug in the desert to receive it. It is a twelve days'
25260	journey from the river to this desert tract. And the
25261	water, they say, was brought through three different
25262	pipes to three separate places.^
25263	10. Psammenitus,^ son of Amasis, lay encamped at
25264	the mouth of the Nile, called the Pelusiac, awaiting
25265	Cambyses. For Cambyses, when he went up against
25266	Egypt, found Amasis no longer in life : he had died
25267	after ruling Egypt forty and four years,^ during all
25268	which time no great misfortune had befallen him.
25269	When he died, his body was embalmed, and buried in
25270	the tomb which he had himself caused to be made in
25271	the temple.^ After his son Psammenitus had mounted
25272	the throne, a strange prodigy occurred in Egypt : — Rain
25273	fell at Egyptian Thebes, a thing which never happened
25274	before,* and Mdiich, to the present time, has never hap-
25275	^ It would perhaps be wi-ong to
25276	reject this narrative altogether. Sub-
25277	terraneous aqueducts or water-courses,
25278	kijown by the name of handt or hah-
25279	reez, have been in use from a high
25280	antiquity throughoat the East, and
25281	often convej' the Avater of springs to a
25282	vast distance. (See Polyb. x. xxviii.
25283	§ 2 ; Malcolm's Hist, of Persia, vol. i.
25284	p. 14 ; Col. Chesney's Euphrates Ex-
25285	pedition, vol. ii. p. 657.) Cambj'ses
25286	may have taken the precaution of sup-
25287	plying his army in two ways.
25288	' The name of this king has not
25289	been found. Like his father's, it con-
25290	tains the name of Neith, the goddess
25291	Minerva of Sais, the royal residence of
25292	the 26th Saite dynasty.— [G. W.]
25293	^ Manetbo, according to Africauus,
25294	assigned to Amasis 44 years (according
25295	to Eusebius 42) ; and the date of the
25296	44th year of Aahmes, Ames, or Ama-
25297	sis, has been found on the monu-
25298	ments. Other persons were called
25299	Amasis ; and one has recorded his
25300	name in the inscription at Aboosim-
25301	bel. (See note on Book ii. ch. 30.)
25302	The first king of the 18th djTiasty
25303	had the same name, though generally
25304	written Amosis. — \| G. AV.]
25305	^ The temple of Minerva at Sais.
25306	(Vide supra, ii. 169.)
25307	* Very heavy rain at Thebes is un-
25308	usual, and happens only about once in
25309	ten years, when the valleys run with
25310	water to the Nile. Four or five
25311	showers fall there every year, after
25312	long intervals. And that heavy rain
25313	occasionally fell in ancient times is
25314	proved by the depth of the ravines
25315	in the Valley of the Kings' tombs,
25316	which were deeply furrowed into the
25317	earth long before the tombs were
25318	made, and consequently long before
25319	the reign of Amasis. The same is
25320	also shown by the precautions taken
25321	in the oldest temples at Thebes to
25322	guard the roofs against rain, and by
25323	the lions' mouths, or gutters, for let-
25324	ting off the water from them. Hero-
25325	dotus was misinformed respecting its
25326	" never having rained before in Upper
25327	Egypt."-[G."W.]
p. 402
25328	404 BATTLE OF PELUSIUM. Book III.
25329	pened again, as tlie Thebans themselves testify. In
25330	Upper Egypt it does not usually rain at all ; but on
25331	tliis occasion, rain fell at Thebes in small drops.
25332	11. The Persians crossed the desert, and, pitching
25333	their camp close to the Egyptians, made ready for
25334	battle. Hereupon the mercenaries in the pay of Psam-
25335	menitus, who were Grreeks and Carians, full of anger
25336	against Phanes for having brought a foreign army
25337	upon Egypt, bethought themselves of a mode whereby
25338	they might be revenged on him. Phanes had left sons
25339	in Egypt. The mercenaries took these, and leading
25340	them to the camp, displayed them before the eyes of
25341	their father ; after which they brought out a bowl,
25342	and, placing it in the space between the two hosts,
25343	they led the sons of Phanes, one by one, to the vessel,
25344	and slew them over it.^ When the last was dead,
25345	water and wine were poured into the bowl, and all the
25346	soldiers tasted of the blood, and so they went to the
25347	battle. Stubborn was the fight which followed, and
25348	it was not till vast numbers had been slain upon both
25349	sides, that the Egyptians turned and fled.
25350	12. On the field where this battle was fought I saw
25351	a very wonderful thing which the natives pointed out
25352	to me. The bones of the slain lie scattered upon the
25353	field in two lots, those of the Persians in one place by
25354	themselves, as the bodies lay at the first — those of the
25355	Egyptians in another place apart from them : if, then,
25356	you strike the Persian skulls, even with a pebble, they
25357	are so weak, that you break a hole in them ; but the
25358	Egyptian skulls^ are so strong, that you may smite
25359	them with a stone and you will scarcely break them in.
25360	They gave me the following reason foi- this difference,
25361	which seemed to me likely enough:— The Egyptians
25362	* 'J'his was a mode of making an and those of the modern Egj-ptians
25363	oath binding. See note on Book ii. fottiuiately possess the same property
25364	ch. 119. — rQ. W.J of hardness, to judge from the blows
25365	* The thickness of the Egj^jtian tliey bear from the Turks, and in their
25366	skull is observable in the mummies ; I combats among themselves. — [G. W.]
p. 403
25367	Chap. 11-13.
25368	EGYPTIAN AND PERSIAN SKULLS.
25369	405
25370	(they said) from early diildliood have the head shaved,
25371	and so hy the action of the sun the skull becomes thick
25372	and hard. The same cause prevents baldness in Egypt,
25373	where you see fewer bald men than in any other land.
25374	Such, then, is the reason why the skulls of the Egyp-
25375	tians are so strong. The Persians, on the other hand,
25376	have feeble skulls, because they keep themselves shaded
25377	from the first,'' wearing turbans uj)on their heads.
25378	What I have here mentioned I saw with my own eyes,
25379	and I observed also the like at Papremis,^ in the case of
25380	the Persians who were killed with Achsemenes, the son
25381	of Darius, by Inarus the Libyan.^
25382	13. The Egyptians who fought in the battle, no
25383	sooner turned their backs upon the enemy, than they
25384	fled away in complete disorder to Memphis, where they
25385	shut themselves up within the walls. Hereupon Cam-
25386	byses sent a Mytilenaean vessel, with a Persian herald
25387	on board, who was to sail up the Nile to Memphis, and
25388	invite the Egyptians to a surrender. They, however,
25389	when they saw the vessel entering the town, poured
25390	forth in crowds from the castle,^ destroyed the ship,
25391	and, tearing the crew limb from limb, so bore them into
25392	the fortress. After this Memphis was besieged, and in
25393	7 Balir (ad loc.) understands Hero-
25394	dotus to allude to the seclusion of the
25395	children within the harem till the age
25396	of five years (vide supra, i. 142). But
25397	probably the shading by the turban
25398	is alone meant. The clause, iriXovs
25399	Tidpas (popiovres, is exegetica.1 of (tkitj-
25400	TpO(f)€OV(ri.
25401	* Supra, Book ii. ch. 63, note ■*.
25402	® Vide infra, vii. 7. The revolt
25403	of Inarus is fixed by Clinton (F. H.
25404	vol. ii. p. 46) to the year B.C. 460, the
25405	fifth year of Artaxerxes. Acha^menes
25406	had then been satrap of Eg3T^it twenty-
25407	four years (Herod, vii. 7). He seems
25408	to have been slain at the first outbreak
25409	of the insurrection. For the subse-
25410	quent course of the revolt see Thucyd.
25411	i. 104, 109. Compare also infra,
25412	ch. 15.
25413	' The citadel of Memphis is called by
25414	Herodotus " the white wall" (infra, ch.
25415	91). Memphis, according to Thucy-
25416	dides (i. 104), consisted of three parts,
25417	the innermost of which was strongly
25418	fortified, and was called " the white
25419	wall." It is remarkable that Mem-
25420	phis is called in hierogly-
25421	phics the " white building."
25422	There is every reason to be-
25423	lieve that, like Thebes, the
25424	cit}^ itself was not surrounded by
25425	wall. Memphis was also
25426	was
25427	called Manouf, or " Men-
25428	nofre " (" good building "),
25429	and " the land of the pyra-
25430	mid;" and Ptliah-ei, "the
25431	abode of Pthah " (see note ^
25432	on Book ii. ch. 99).— [G. W. J
p. 404
25433	406
25434	TREATMENT OF PSAMMENITUS.
25435	Book III.
25436	due time surrendered. Hereon the Libyans who bor-
25437	dered upon EgyjDt, fearing the fate of that country,
25438	gave themselves up to Cambyses without a battle, made
25439	an agreement to pay tribute to him, and forthwith sent
25440	him gifts. ^ The Oyrenseans too, and the Barcseans,
25441	having the same fear as the Libyans, immediately did
25442	the like. Cambyses received the Libyan presents very
25443	graciously, but not so the gifts of the Cyreneeans.
25444	They had sent no more than five hundred mince^ of
25445	silver, which Cambyses, I imagine, thought too little.
25446	He therefore snatched the money from them, and with
25447	his own hands scattered it among his soldiers.
25448	14. Ten days after the fort had fallen, Cambyses re-
25449	solved to try the spirit of Psammenitus, the Egyptian
25450	king, whose whole reign had been but six months. He
25451	therefore had him set in one of the suburbs, and many
25452	other Eygptians with him, and there subjected him to
25453	insult. First of all he sent his daughter out from the
25454	city, clothed in the garb of a slave, with a pitcher to
25455	draw water. Many virgins, the daughters of the chief
25456	nobles, accompanied her, wearing the same dress.
25457	When the damsels came opposite the ]3lace where their
25458	fathers sate, shedding tears and uttering cries of woe,
25459	the fathers, all but Psammenitus, wept and wailed in
25460	return, grieving to see their children in so sad a
25461	plight ; but he, when he had looked and seen, bent
25462	his head towards the ground. In this way passed by
25463	the water-carriers. Next to them came Psammenitus'
25464	son, and two thousand Egyptians of the same age with
25465	him — all of them having ropes round their necks and
25466	bridles in their mouths — and they too passed by on
25467	their way to suffer death for the murder of the Myti-
25468	lengeans who were destroyed, with their vessel, in
25469	2 Vide iufra, iv. 165. Arccsilaiis
25470	III. was king of Cyreue at this time.
25471	* If Attic miua3 are intended, as is
25472	probable, the value of the Cyrena?an
25473	contribution would be little more than
25474	2000Z. of our money.
p. 405
25475	Chap. 14, CAMBYSES TOUCHED WITH PITY. 407
25476	Memphis. For so had the royal judges given their
25477	sentence — "for each Mytilenaean ten of the noblest
25478	Egyptians must forfeit life." King Psammenitus saw
25479	the train pass on, and knew his son was being led
25480	to deatli, but, while the other Egyptians who sate
25481	around him wept and were sorely troubled, he showed
25482	no furtlier sign than when he saw his daughter. And
25483	now, when they too were gone, it chanced that one of
25484	his former boon-companions, a man advanced in years,
25485	who had been stripped of all that he had and was a
25486	beggar, came where Psammenitus, son of Amasis, and
25487	the rest of the Egyptians were, asking alms from the
25488	soldiers. At this sight the king burst into tears, and,
25489	weeping out aloud, called his friend by his name, and
25490	smote himself on the head. Now there were some who
25491	had been set to watch Psammenitus and see what he
25492	would do as each train went by ; so these persons went
25493	and told Cambyse& of his behaviour. Then he, asto-
25494	nished at what was done, sent a messenger to Psam-
25495	menitus, and questioned him, saying, " Psammenitus,
25496	thy lord Cambyses asketh thee why, when thou sawest
25497	thy daughter brought to shame, and thy son on his
25498	way to death, thou didst neither utter cry nor shed
25499	tear, while to a beggar, who is, he hears, a stranger
25500	to thy race, thou gavest those marks of honour." To
25501	this question Psammenitus made answer, " 0 son of
25502	Cyrus, my own misfortunes were too great for tears ;
25503	but the woe of my friend deserved them. When a
25504	man falls from splendour and plenty into beggary at
25505	the threshold of old age, one may well weep for him."
25506	When the messenger brought back this answer, Cam-
25507	byses owned it was just ; Croesus, likewise, the Egyp-
25508	tians say, burst into tears — for he too had come into
25509	Egypt with Cambyses — and the Persians who were
25510	present wept. Even Cambyses himself was touched
25511	with pity, and he forthwith gave an order, that the
25512	son of Psammenitus should be spared from the number
p. 406
25513	408
25514	THE PERSIANS HONOUR KINGS' SONS. Book III.
25515	of tliose apj)ointed to die, and Psammenitiis himself
25516	brought from the suburb into his presence.
25517	15. The messengers were too late to save the life
25518	of Psammenitus' son, who had been cut in pieces the
25519	first of all ; but they took Psammenitus himself and
25520	brought him before the king. Cambyses allowed him
25521	to live with him, and gave him no more harsh treat-
25522	ment ; nay, could he have kept from intermeddling
25523	with affairs, he might have recovered Egypt, and ruled
25524	it as governor. For the Persian wont is to treat the
25525	sons of kings with honour, and even to give their
25526	fathers' kingdoms to the children of such as revolt from
25527	them.* There are many cases from wdiich one may
25528	collect that this is the Persian rule, and especially
25529	those of Pausiris and Thannyras. Thannyras was son
25530	of Inarus the Libyan, and was allowed to succeed his
25531	father,^ as was also Pausiris, son of Amyrtaaus ; "^ yet
25532	* It appears from the Jewish history
25533	that this was a general Oriental prac-
25534	tice in ancient times. When Pharaoh-
25535	Necho deposed Jehoahaz, he made
25536	Eliakim (Jehoiakim), his brother,
25537	kino; over Judah (2 Kings xxiii. 34).
25538	And when Nebuchadnezzar deposed
25539	Jehoiachin (2 Kings xxiv. 17), he
25540	set Mattauiah (Zedekiah), his uncle,
25541	upon the throne. Chardin states
25542	(torn. iii. p. 310) that the same
25543	custom obtains among the modern
25544	Persians. [The custom of the Persians
25545	is confirmed, not only by what Hero-
25546	dotus says of Tliannyras, the son of
25547	Inarus, and Pausiris, the sou of Amyi*-
25548	ta^us ; but by the sculptures, which
25549	seem to show that some of the royal
25550	famih' of Eg}qit were made governors
25551	of the country by the Persians. Tlie
25552	names of Thannyras and Pausiris
25553	(Pa-osiri) are not found on the
25554	monuments. That Cambyses was not
25555	guilty of cruelty to the Egjqotians, on
25556	his first conquest of the country, is
25557	proved by a monument, now in the
25558	Vatican at Rome ; fi"om which we
25559	learn that he confirmed the different
25560	Egj'ptian dignitaries in their offices,
25561	and even so far flattered the preju-
25562	dices of the i^eople as to conform to
25563	their religious customs, " like the
25564	kings who ruled before him," making
25565	offerings " to the divine mother of the
25566	gods at Sais, and performing the usual
25567	libations in her temple to the Lord of
25568	ages." He also took, or received, a
25569	prajnomen like the old Egyptian kings,
25570	being called (as on that monument)
25571	Kambath (Cambyses), Remesot (or
25572	Remesto), " Lord of Upper and Lower
25573	Egypt ;" and it was therefore only
25574	in consequence of the Egyjrtians re-
25575	belling against him, as Herodotus
25576	plainly shows by the connivance, or
25577	at the instigation of Psammenitus,
25578	that he was induced to depart from
25579	his previous humane line of conduct
25580	towards the Egyptians, and to disre-
25581	gard the Persian custom of treating
25582	the sons of kings with indulgence.
25583	In Book iv. ch. 1G6, Herodotus says
25584	that Cambyses made Aryandes go-
25585	vernor of Egyi^t. — G. W.J
25586	* Inarus fell into the hands of the
25587	Persians, and was crucified, ];roliably
25588	in the year e.g. 455. (See Thucvd.
25589	i. 110 ; cf. Clinton's F. H. vol. ii."p.
25590	50.) Of Thannyras, his son, nothing
25591	further is known. Ctesias's account
p. 407
25592	Chap. 15.
25593	INAEUS AND AMYRTiEUS.
25594	409
25595	certainly no two persons ever did the Persians more
25596	damage than Amyrtseus and Inarus.'' In this case
25597	of the war of Inanis and Amyrtanis
25598	(Excerpt. § 32) seems taiuted bj^ his
25599	usual dishonesty. It is utterly irre-
25600	concilable with Thucydides.
25601	* From this passage it has been con-
25602	cluded (Dahlmann's Life of Herodotus,
25603	ch. iii. ; Clinton's F. H. vol. ii. p. 87 ;
25604	01. 92. 4; Mure's Lit. of Greece,
25605	vol. iv. pp. 536-7) that Herodotus
25606	continued to wi-ite as late as B.C. 408,
25607	since in that year (according to the
25608	Chronicle of Eusebius) Amyrta?us
25609	died, after reigning over the Egyp-
25610	tians for six j'ears. It is supposed
25611	that Pausiris was ajipointed viceroy
25612	by the Persians at the death of his
25613	father, and, that event being assigned
25614	7 7 O ~
25615	to the year B.C. 408, it is concluded
25616	that Herodotus was still adding
25617	touches to his history as late as that
25618	or the following year. Various rea-
25619	sons liave been adduced in an earlier
25620	portion of this work (see the Intro-
25621	ductory Essay, ch. i. pp. 32-4) which
25622	make it probable that Herodotus did
25623	not really much outlive B.C. 430.
25624	The objection to this view arising
25625	fi-om the present chapter may be met
25626	in two ways. In the first place, it is
25627	not at all certain that IManetho, from
25628	whom Eusebius professes to copy, in-
25629	tended to ])lace the reign of AniATtai-us
25630	immediately before that of Nepheritis.
25631	Eusebius does not ajipear to have had
25632	Manetho's work under his eyes, else,
25633	why should he in one place (Pars 1. ch.
25634	xxi.) quote him second-hand from
25635	Josephus? He probably had only an
25636	abridgment or summary of his dpias-
25637	ties, in which the reign of Amyrtanis
25638	appeared as constituting the 28th
25639	dynastj^ and so as intervening be-
25640	tween that of Darius Nothus and Ne-
25641	pheritis. It is not unlikely that the
25642	summary misrepresented Manetho
25643	here, as in other places (see Bunsen's
25644	Egypt, vol. i. p. 86, E. T.), and
25645	made djmasties seem to be consecutive
25646	which IManetho knew and confessed
25647	to be contemporary. Manetlio's six
25648	years of Amyrtajus the Sa'ite are ]iro-
25649	bably the very six j^ears (from B.C.
25650	460 to B.C. 455) in the reign of Arta-
25651	xerxes Longimanus during which
25652	Egypt is known to have been inde-
25653	pendent of Persia, through the exer-
25654	tions of Inarus and Amyrta3us. (See
25655	Thucyd. i. 104, and 109-110 ; Ctes.
25656	Exc. Pers. 32; Diod. Sic. xi. 74;
25657	and compare the Comments of Wesse-
25658	liug and Larcher ad loc, and Dodwell,
25659	Ann. Thuc. p. 99.) The autliority
25660	of Syncellus is of no importance, since
25661	he merely copies from Eusebius and
25662	Africanus, neither of whom possessed
25663	more than an abstract of Manetho.
25664	Secondly, if we follow Eusebius,
25665	and suppose (with Mr. Clinton) that
25666	Amyrta^us had two reigns, each of six
25667	years, one from B.C. 460 to b.c. 455,
25668	and another (40 years later) from B.C.
25669	414 to B.C. 408, the appointment of
25670	Pausiris must be placed at the close
25671	of the first, not of the second reign.
25672	If Amyrtjeus reigned a second time,
25673	he was certainly not then conquered
25674	by the Persians, nor had they at that
25675	time his kingdom to dispose of, for it
25676	passed, in the year B.C. 408, toNephe-
25677	ritis, and Egypt was not again reduced
25678	by the Persians till about B.C. 340.
25679	Pausiris therefore must have been
25680	made viceroy when his father lost his
25681	dominion the first time, whicli was
25682	when he fled into the marshes and
25683	concealed himself, in B.C. 455. It is
25684	to be remarked that Herodotus says
25685	nothing, either directly or indirectly,
25686	of the death of Amyrtasus, and thus
25687	makes no allusion in this passage to
25688	any event of a later date than B.C.
25689	4'55.
25690	^ It appears from Herod, iii. 12
25691	that at the commencement of the
25692	revolt of Inarus a great battle was
25693	fought near Papremis, in which A chaj-
25694	menes, the brother of Xerxes, and a
25695	vast nximber of the Persians, were
25696	slain. The remnant of the Persian
25697	forces, as we learn from Thucyd. i.
25698	104 (compare Diod. Sic. xi. 74), fled
25699	to Memphis, and were there besieged
25700	by Inarus and the Athenians. They
25701	appear to have surrendered after a
25702	time (Thucyd. i. 109). The share
25703	which Amyrtajus had in the revolt is
p. 408
25704	410
25705	INSULT TO THE COEPSE OF AMASIS.
25706	Book III.
25707	Psammenitus plotted evil, and received liis reward
25708	accordingly. He was discovered to be stirring up
25709	revolt in Egypt, wherefore Cambyses, when his guilt
25710	clearly appeared, compelled him to drink bull's blood,^
25711	which presently caused his death. Such was the end
25712	of Psammenitus,
25713	16. After this Cambyses left Mem^ohis, and went to
25714	Sais, wishing to do that which he actually did on his
25715	arrival there. He entered the palace of Amasis, and
25716	straightway commanded that the body of the king
25717	should be brought forth from the sepulchre. When
25718	the attendants did according to his commandment, he
25719	further bade them scourge the body, and prick it with
25720	goads, and pluck the hair from it,^ and heap upon it
25721	all manner of insults. The body, however, having
25722	been embalmed, resisted, and refused to come apart,
25723	do what they would to it ; so the attendants grew
25724	weary of their work ; whereupon Cambyses bade them
25725	take the corpse and burn it. This was truly an im-
25726	pious command to give, for the Persians hold fire to
25727	be a god,^ and never by any chance burn their dead.
25728	Indeed this practice is unlawful, both with them and
25729	with the Egyptians — with them for the reason above-
25730	mentioned, since they deem it wrong to give the corpse
25731	of a man to a god ; and with the Egyptians, because
25732	not very clear. His name does not
25733	occur till the year of the death of
25734	Inarus (Thucyd. i. 110), when he
25735	ap[>ears as king of the marsh-district
25736	(6 iv Tols eXeai. ^aaiXevs ; compare
25737	Herod, ii. 140). He maintained him-
25738	self in this region at least six years
25739	(Thucyd. i. 112). The particulars of
25740	the losses sustained by the Persians at
25741	his hands are unknown to us.
25742	* There seems to have been a wide-
25743	sprcail lielief among the ancients that
25744	bull's blood was poisonous. Accord-
25745	ing to Eusebius (Chron. Can. ii. p.
25746	324), Midas, King of Phrygia, killed
25747	himself by drinking bull's blood B.C.
25748	694. Themistocles is said to have
25749	died in the same way (Arist. Eq. 84).
25750	Also Smerdis (Ctesias. Pers. Excerpt.
25751	§ 10). According to Ctesias, Psam-
25752	menitus was carried prisoner to Susa.
25753	* This is evidently a Greek state-
25754	ment, and not derived from the Egyp-
25755	tian priests. There was no hair to
25756	pluck out, the "head and all the body"
25757	of the kings and priests being shaved.
25758	The whole story may be doiibted. —
25759	[G. W.]
25760	* On this point see above, i. 131 ;
25761	and comi^are the Essay "On the l\e-
25762	ligion of the Ancient Persians," vol. i.
25763	App. Essay v.
p. 409
25764	Chap. 1G, 17. CAMBYSES PLANS THREE EXPEDITIONS.
25765	411
25766	tliey believe fire to be a live animal ^ which eats what-
25767	ever it can seize, and then, glutted with the food,
25768	dies with the matter which it feeds upon. Now to
25769	give a man's body to be devoured by beasts is in no
25770	wise agreeable to their customs, and indeed this is the
25771	very reason why they embalm their dead ; namely, to
25772	prevent them from being eaten in the grave by worms.
25773	Thus Cambyses commanded what both nations ac-
25774	counted unlawful.^ According to the Egyptians it
25775	was not Amasis who was thus treated,* but another of
25776	their nation who was of about the same height. The
25777	Persians, believing this man's body to be the king's,
25778	abused it in the fashion described above. Amasis,
25779	they say, was warned by an oracle of what would
25780	happen to him after his death : in order, therefore, to
25781	prevent the impending fate, he buried the body, which
25782	afterwards received the blows, inside his own tomb
25783	near the entrance, commanding his son to bury him,
25784	when he died, in the farthest recess of the same sepul-
25785	chre. For my own part I do not believe that these
25786	orders were ever given by Amasis ; the Egyptians,
25787	as it seems to me, falsely assert it, to save their own
25788	dignity.
25789	17. After this Cambyses took counsel with himself,
25790	^ The rationale of this view is given
25791	by Plutarch (Sympos. vii. p. 703) in
25792	the foUowino; words : — oiSeV yap aXXo
25793	fiaXXov €iJ.'^v)(co TTpoaeoKev rj irvp
25794	Ki.vovp.ev6v re Koi rpecjiopevov 8i avrov,
25795	KOL TTj XapnpoTTjTi 8r]\ovv axnrep rj
25796	"^vx^j KUL (Ta(f)r]VL^ov cinavTa. " There
25797	is notliing that so resembles a live
25798	animal as fire, which moves and nou-
25799	rishes itself, and which moreover, like
25800	the soul, enlightens and displays all
25801	tilings by its brilliancj'."
25802	•^ The Egyptians were averse to
25803	burning a body, not only because
25804	burning was considered the punish-
25805	ment of the wicked, but because it
25806	was opposed to all their prejudices in
25807	favour of its preservation. If they
25808	really believed in the return of the
25809	VOL. II.
25810	soul to the body this would be an ad-
25811	ditional reason. This last, however,
25812	may only have signified that man
25813	after death never lost his identity, or
25814	individuality. The modern Persians
25815	and all Moslems have a great prejuchce
25816	against burning the dead. The custom
25817	was very ancient in India. — [G. W.]
25818	^ The body of the queen of Amasis,
25819	found at Thebes by the French officers
25820	of the Luxor, in the sarcophagus now
25821	in the British IMuseum, is said to have
25822	been burnt, and replaced in the tomb ;
25823	but the remains of gilding upon it
25824	suffice to disprove this. The appear-
25825	ance of burning was probably owing
25826	to the strong preparations used in em-
25827	balming the body, and is not unusual.
25828	— [G. W.]
p. 410
25829	412
25830	THE TABLE OF THE SUN.
25831	Book 111.
25832	and planned three expeditions. One was against the
25833	Carthaginians, another against the Ammonians, and a
25834	third against the long-Hved Ethiopians, who dwelt in
25835	that part of Libya which borders upon the southern
25836	sea.^ He judged it best to despatch his fleet against
25837	Carthage and to send some poi'tion of his land army to
25838	act against the Ammonians, while his spies went into
25839	Ethiopia, under the pretence of carrying presents to
25840	the king, but in reality to take note of all they saw,
25841	and especially to observe whether there was really
25842	what is called " the table of the sun " in Ethiopia.
25843	18. Now the table of the sun, according to the
25844	accounts given of it, may be thus described : — It is a
25845	meadow in the skirts of their city full of the boiled
25846	flesh ^ of all manner of beasts, which the magistrates
25847	^ The seat of these long-lived Ethi-
25848	opians is very uncertain. Larcher
25849	places them east of Meroe, on the
25850	coast of the Pied Sea (Tab. Geograp.
25851	p. 151). Bruce imagined that he met
25852	with their descendants in the country
25853	of the Shangallas (vol. ii. p. 554, et
25854	seq.). But Heeren (African Nations,
25855	vol. i. p. 325) Correctly observes that
25856	the ]\Iacrobii of Herodotus must be
25857	placed very much further to the south.
25858	Not only in this passage, but again,
25859	infra, ch. 114, they are said to dwell
25860	towards the south, at the furthest
25861	limits of Africa. Their country must
25862	have lain, therefore, beyond the Straits
25863	of Babelniandel. Heeren places them
25864	near Cape Guardafui. He recognises
25865	their customs in the stories told by
25866	Cosmas (Topog. Chi-ist. p. 138-9) of
25867	the people of Sasu, and their descend-
25868	ants in the modern Somaulies. The
25869	descriptions of Homer (II. i. 443 ;
25870	Od. i. 23, &c.) possibly referred to
25871	this people, whom Ephorus (Fr, 38)
25872	also regarded as the remotest of man-
25873	kind towards the south. It is quite a
25874	distinct question whether the embassj'
25875	of Cambyses, if a real event, was to
25876	them, or whether he had any {larti-
25877	cular designs against their liberty.
25878	His Ethiopian expedition was un-
25879	doubtedly a fact, but it had probably
25880	no more definite object tlian the con-
25881	quest of the Ethiopians generally.
25882	® This was less common in early
25883	times, and as Athen;>?us says, the
25884	heroes in Homer seldom " boil their
25885	meat, or dress it with sauces ;" but in
25886	Egypt as well as in Ethio])ia boiled
25887	meat was eaten, thou'j;h tlie Egyptians
25888	more frequently roasted it, and boiled
p. 411
25889	Chap. 18, 19. PHCENICIANS REFUSE TO ATTACK CARTHAGE. 413
25890	are careful to store with meat every niglit, and where
25891	whoever hkes may come and eat during the day. The
25892	people of the land say that the earth itself brings forth
25893	the food. Such is the description which is given of
25894	this table.''
25895	19. When Cambyses had made up his mind that the
25896	spies should go, he forthwith sent to Elephantine for
25897	certain of the Ichthyophagi ® who were acquainted with
25898	the Ethiopian tongue ; and, while they were being
25899	fetched, issued orders to his fleet to sail against Car-
25900	thage. But the Phoenicians said they would not go,
25901	since they were bound to the Carthaginians by solemn
25902	oaths, and since Ijesides it would be wicked in them to
25903	make war on their own children. Now when the
25904	%m,'/
25905	liijiitr/ \ / \7
25906	their fish. With the Arabs the cus-
25907	tom of boiling meat seems to be very
25908	ancient. — [G. W.]
25909	' Pomponius Mela is the first wiiter,
25910	after Herodotus, who mentions the
25911	table of the sun. It may be doubted
25912	whether he does more than follow our
25913	author. His Avords are : " Est locus
25914	apparatis epulis semper refertus : et
25915	quia, ut libet, vesci volentibus licet,
25916	rjXiov rpnTTf^av appellant ; et quaj
25917	passim ajiposita sunt, affirmant innasci
25918	subinde divinitus" (iii. 15). The
25919	account in Solinus, whose work is an
25920	extract from the writings of the elder
25921	Pliny, is apparently formed on that
25922	of Mela (Polyhist. xxx.). Pausanias,
25923	writing about a.d. 174, treats the
25924	whole story as a fable. Heeren (Af-
25925	rican Nations, vol. i. p. 333) explains
25926	it by the dumb trading common in
25927	Africa. (Vide infra, iv. 196, and
25928	note ad loc.) He thinks that mer-
25929	chants supplied the meat, that the
25930	magistrates presided, and that the
25931	natives left gold in exchange for what
25932	they took.
25933	^ Eratosthenes (ap. Strabon. xvi.
25934	p. 1093) and Artemidorus (aj). eund.)
25935	placed the African Ichthyophagi, or
25936	Fisheaters, on the coast of the Ara-
25937	bian Gulf, at its entrance, near Cape
25938	Dire (the modern Eas-el-Bir). Pau-
25939	sanias also mentions their being the
25940	last inhabitants of the shores of the
25941	Red Sea (i. xxxiii. § 4). Their name
25942	marks them for a maritim.e people,
25943	and I cannot conceive that any coi;ld
25944	have dwelt so far inland as Ele-
25945	phantine'. (Heeren supposes this.
25946	Afric. Nat., i. p. 337.) Perhaps Hero-
25947	dotus only means that some of them
25948	happened at this time to be at Ele-
25949	phantine, and were made use of as
25950	guides. If Herodotus regarded them
25951	as natives of the country about Cape
25952	Dire, their knowledge of the language
25953	of tlae Macrobian Ethiopians, their
25954	neighbours, would be natural. (See
25955	above, ch. 17, note ^)
p. 412
25956	414
25957	ICHTHYOPHAGI SENT TO ETHIOPIA
25958	Book III.
25959	Phoenicians refused, the rest of the fleet was inieqiial to
25960	the undertaking; and thus it was that the Carthagi-
25961	nians escaped, and were not enslaved by the Persians.
25962	Cambyses thought it not right to force the war upon
25963	the Phoenicians, because they had yielded themselves to
25964	the Persians,^ and because upon the Phoenicians all his
25965	sea-service depended. The Cypi^ians had also joined
25966	the Persians of their own accord,^ and took part with
25967	them in the expedition against Egypt.
25968	20. As soon as the Ichthyophagi arrived from Ele-
25969	phantine, Cambyses, having told them what they
25970	were to say, forthwith despatched them into Ethiopia
25971	with these following gifts : to wit, a purple robe,^
25972	* It has been usual to ascribe the
25973	conquest of Phcenicia to Cyrus. Even
25974	Mr. Grote does so (vol. iv. p. 289).
25975	But the sole authority for this is
25976	Xenophon (C.ATop. i. i. 4), who also
25977	ascribes to Cyrus the conquest of
25978	Egypt ! Dahlmann has shown (Life
25979	of Herod, oh. vii.) that, according to
25980	Herodotus, the acquisition belongs to
25981	the reign of Cambyses. Not only are
25982	the Phceniciaus first mentioned among
25983	the Persian tributaries under this
25984	king, but it is expressly said that he,
25985	and not Cyrus, "made himself master
25986	of the sea" (Trpoa-eKTrjadai rfjv
25987	6c'ikacrcrav ; Herod, iii. 34), which
25988	could only be by the conquest or sub-
25989	mission of the Phoenicians. (Compare
25990	Herod, i. 143.) Mr. Grote a}ipears to
25991	consider that the conquest of Babylon
25992	involved the submission of Phoenicia
25993	to the Persian yoke. But even if it
25994	be allowed that Pha?nicia had latterly
25995	been subject to Babylon, which is not
25996	absolutely certain, still the reduction
25997	of Babylon would not necessarily
25998	carry with it the submission of Phoe-
25999	nicia. The Asiatic Greeks did not
26000	submit when the Lydian kingdom
26001	fell, and the outlying province of
26002	Phcenicia would be very apt to re-
26003	assert its independence on such an
26004	occasion. It is unnecessary, however,
26005	to reckon probaliilities. The autho-
26006	rity of Herodotus must be regarded
26007	as conclusive on such a matter.
26008	It may be added, that, as the inva-
26009	sion of Egypt designed by Cp"us
26010	(Herod, i. 153) did not take place till
26011	the fifth year of Cambyses (vide supra,
26012	ii. 1, note \ and see Clinton's F. H.
26013	vol. ii. p. 378), something must have
26014	occupied this monarch during the first
26015	four years of his reign. If Phoenicia
26016	was still independent at his accession,
26017	the delay would be accounted for.
26018	' The dependency of Cyprus on
26019	Phoenicia has been already shown
26020	(note' on Book ii. ch. 182). Its sur-
26021	render would be likely to follow close
26022	upon the submission of the Phoe-
26023	nicians.
26024	^ Various opinions have been held
26025	about the origin of the Tyrian purple.
26026	The murex is generally supposed to
26027	have given it ; and some consider the
26028	"murex trunculus" to have been
26029	much used at Tvre (Spratt, vol. ii. p.
26030	109). A shell-fish (Helix lanthiua)
p. 413
26031	Chap. 20. WITH GIFTS. 415
26032	a gold chain for the ueck, armlets, an alabaster
26033	is found on the coast, about Tyre and
26034	Beyroot, which is remarkable for its
26035	throwing out a quantity of i)urple
26036	liquid when approached, in order (like
26037	the sepia) to conceal itself. The
26038	water becomes completely coloured all
26039	around it, though so very suiall, being
26040	only the size of a small snail, f of an
26041	inch in diameter, and very delicate
26042	and fragile. Pliny, however, distinctly
26043	says, the Tyrian purple came from
26044	the buccinum and the murex (book
26045	ix. c. 36). JuliiTS Pollux (Onom. i.
26046	4), after mentioning the story of the
26047	porphyra shell-fish discovered by the
26048	dog of a Tyrian nymph loved by Her-
26049	cules, describes the small baskets
26050	woven of rushes and rope (similar to
26051	our eel-baskets) fastened like bells
26052	along a rope, used in that fishery.
26053	Their wide mouths were so constructed
26054	with the ends of the rushes projecting,
26055	that the shell-fish easily crept in, but
26056	could not get back again ; and this,
26057	as well as the shell in the hand of a
26058	statue of a Phcsnician goddess, found
26059	by Mr. IVIoore in Syria, would seem
26060	to agree better with the buccinum
26061	than the murex. Pliny (ix. 36) evi-
26062	dently considers the (modern) tu-
26063	bular-mouthed murex to be the por-
26064	]ihyra, though he allows they extracted
26065	the dve from both those shells (ix.
26066	38). "He tells a story (ix. 25) of the
26067	mures, and its being sacred to Venus
26068	at Gnidus. The buccinum was the
26069	Krjpv^ of the Greeks ; yet it seems
26070	that the murex was originally so
26071	called ; since, Athenseus says Strato-
26072	nicus pretended to be walking on tip-
26073	toe from fear of treading on the pricklj'-
26074	KTjpv^, in order to ridicule the people
26075	of Abdera for having so many Krjpv-
26076	Kes, "heralds" (Athen. vi. p. 349;
26077	see also iii. p. 85). He describes the
26078	porphyra as between a pinna and a
26079	buccinum (iii. p. 91). Of the por-
26080	phyra shell-fish, see Aristotle, Hist.
26081	An. iv. 8 ; v. 15 ; vi. 13 ; viii. 20.
26082	He speaks of many kinds (iv. 15),
26083	some very large. Athen. iii. p. 85 to
26084	91, andxii. p. 528; Yitruv. vii. 13.
26085	Pliny (ix. 36 to 40) gives three sorts
26086	of dye from two fish (duo sunt ge-
26087	nera. Buccinum .... altera purpura
26088	vocatur). 1. The best was of ame-
26089	thyst, or violet colour, made by mix-
26090	ing 200 parts of buccinum with 111
26091	of purpura (ix. 38). 2. The Tyrian
26092	purple was made by dipping the wool
26093	first in the purpura or pelagia, and
26094	afterwards in the buccinum ; " it was
26095	of the colour of blood, black to look
26096	upon, and bright in the light, whence
26097	Homer calls blood purple" (ix. 38).
26098	3. The conchyliata, which had no
26099	buccinum dye (ix. 39), and was of a
26100	pale hue, apparently more blue. Se-
26101	neca (Nat. Qua;st. i. 3) says purple
26102	does not always come out alike out of
26103	the same shell. Homer also ajiiilies
26104	porphyreus to the sea ; but it signified
26105	any bright colour, and Horace speaks
26106	of the swan, 4 Od. i. 10, " purpu-
26107	ras ales coloribus." Athenceus men-
26108	tions it applied to the cheeks and
26109	mouth (xiii. p. 604), and the " pur-
26110	pureus late qui splendeat .... pan-
26111	nus" of Horace (de Art. Poet.) may
26112	signify either "bright," or " scarlet."
26113	This last in Greek was Tvvppos, or
26114	KOKKLvos. The robe put upon the Sa-
26115	viour is called by St. Matthew " scar-
26116	let," KOKKLvqv, by St. Mark and St.
26117	John " purple, Trop(pvpai', by St.
26118	Luke " gorgeous," \ap.TTpav. Strabo
26119	says (iii. p. 100) the porphyra and
26120	buccinum were both found at C'arteia,
26121	in Spain. Purple seems also to have
26122	lieeii imported from Greece by the
26123	Tynans ; the best in Europe being
26124	from Laconia (Plin. ix. 36) : and Eze-
26125	kiel (xxvii. 7) says it wer to Tyre
p. 414
26126	416
26127	THE MESSAGE AND THE EEPLT.
26128	Book HI.
26129	box ^ of myrrh, and a cask of palm wine. The Ethi-
26130	opians to whom this embassy was sent, are said to be
26131	the tallest* and handsomest men in the whole world
26132	In their customs they differ greatly from the rest of
26133	mankind, and particularly in the way they choose their
26134	kings ; for they find out the man who is the tallest of
26135	all the citizens, and of strength equal to his height,
26136	and appoint him to rule over them.^
26137	21. The Ichthyophagi, on reaching this people, de-
26138	livered the gifts to the king of the country, and spoke
26139	as follows : — " Oambyses, king of the Persians, anxious
26140	to become thy ally and sworn friend, has sent us to
26141	hold converse with thee, and to bear thee the gifts
26142	thou seest, which are the things wherein he himself
26143	delights the most." Hereon the Ethiopian, who knew
26144	they came as spies, made answer : — " The king of
26145	the Persians sent you not with these gifts, because he
26146	much desired to become my sworn friend — nor is the
26147	account which ye give of yourselves true, for ye are
26148	come to search out my kingdom. Also your king is
26149	not a just man — for were he so, he had not coveted a
26150	land which is not his own, nor brought slavery on a
26151	people who never did him any wrong. Bear him this
26152	bow,^ and say, — ' The king of the Ethiops thus advises
26153	from " the Isles of Elishah," i. e. Hel-
26154	las, 01' Greece (see Atlien. Deipn. iii.
26155	p. 88). Purple was used at a very
26156	early time ; and purple and blue are
26157	mentioned in Exodus (xxv. 4). Blue
26158	was the vaKivdos of the Greeks. It
26159	was extracted from indigo, which was
26160	an Egj^itian and a Persian dye. An-
26161	cient paintings show the imperial
26162	purple was of a violet colour. —
26163	[G. W.]
26164	^ Vases of this stone were com-
26165	monly used for holding ointment.
26166	They had not always the long shape
26167	of that class of Etruscan vases, called
26168	" Alabastron," which even had this
26169	name when of a different material.
26170	The alabaster vases of Egypt were of
26171	various forms and sizes. The stone
26172	was the crystallised carbonate of lime,
26173	of a yellowish colour, generally marked
26174	with waving lines, which we call
26175	oriental alabaster and stalagmitic arra-
26176	gouite ; verj^ different from the white
26177	soft sulphate of lime, so much used in
26178	Italy.— ^G.W.]
26179	■* Vide infra, iii. 114; and com-
26180	pare Isaiah xlv. 14. " The labour of
26181	Egypt, and the merchandise of MJii-
26182	opia, and of .the Sahceans, men of sta-
26183	ture, shall come over to thee." Strabo
26184	says that the Ethio]iians generally
26185	were of small stature (xvi. p. 1162).
26186	* Compare Strabo, xvi. p. 1163,
26187	and Arist. Pol. iv. iii. § 7. Bion, in
26188	his ^Sthiopica, says that the king was
26189	chosen for his beauty. (Fr. 4.)
26190	" It is remarkable that the un-
p. 415
26191	Chap. 21, 22. COMMENTS UPON THE GIFTS. 417
26192	the king of the Persians — when the Persians can pull
26193	a bow of this strength thus easily, then let them come
26194	with an army of superior strength against the long-
26195	lived Ethiopians — till then, let them thank the gods ^*
26196	that they have not put it into the heart of the sons of
26197	the Ethiops to covet countries which do not belong to
26198	them.' "
26199	22. So speaking, he unstrung the bow, and gave it
26200	into the hands of the messengers. Then, taking the
26201	purple robe, he asked them what it was, and how it had
26202	been made. They answered truly, telling him con-
26203	cerning the purple, and the art of the dyer — whereat he
26204	observed, " that the men were deceitful, and their gar-
26205	ments also." Next he took the neck-chain and the
26206	armlets, and asked about them. So the Ichthyophagi
26207	explained their use as ornaments. Then the king
26208	laughed, and fancying they were fetters, said, " the
26209	Ethiopians had much stronger ones." Thirdly, he
26210	inquired about the myrrh, and when they told him how
26211	it was made and rubbed upon the limbs, he said the
26212	same concerning it that he had said of the robe. Last
26213	of all he came to the wine, and having learnt their
26214	way of making it, he drank a draught, which greatly
26215	delighted him ; whereupon he asked what the Persian
26216	king was wont to eat, and to what age the longest-
26217	strung bow was the emblem of
26218	Ethiopia, or at least of that part which
26219	corresponded to the modern Nubia,
26220	nexion between them. Mr. Harris
26221	suggests that the unstrung bow, sent
26222	by the King of Ethiopia, accords with
26223	and wliich was called in liierogiyphics the emblem of his country — a symbol
26224	" Tosh," evidently the Ethaush, or of peace, and at the same time a
26225	Ethosh of the Coptic. Thosh in defiance, when accompanied by the
26226	Coptic signified a " frontier " and a message to the Persians to string it as
26227	" province ;" but it is differently writ- easily as he did. (See notes on Book ii.
26228	ten in hierogly]ihics from Tosli, cbs. 20 and 1()6.) The name of Cush
26229	"Ethiopia." Cush (Kush or Kish) bad already been given to Ethiopia on
26230	is the ancient, and Ethaush the Coptic the monuments before the invasion of
26231	name of " Ethiopia ;" and tbe modern the Sheplierds, at the beginning of the
26232	Kish, or (ierf Hossayn, in Nuliia, 12th dynasty. J\Tay Cush be related
26233	being called in Cojjtic I'apyri to Kos '' the bow?"— [G. W.]
26234	"Thosh," Ethosh, and Ethaush '^ For another use of this common-
26235	(whence the Latin name of that place, place, see Book i. ch. 71 ; sub fin.
26236	" Tutzis "), shows a striking con-
p. 416
26237	418
26238	THE MAGIC FOUNTAIN.
26239	Book III,
26240	lived of the Persians had been known to attain. They
26241	told him that the king ate bread, and described the
26242	nature of wheat — adding that eighty years was the
26243	longest term of man's life among the Persians. Hereat
26244	he remarked, " It did not surprise him if they fed on
26245	dirt, that they died so soon ; indeed he was sure they
26246	never would have lived so long as eighty years, except
26247	for the refreshment they got from that drink (meaning
26248	the wine), wherein he confessed that the Persians sur-
26249	passed the Ethiopians."
26250	23. The Ichthyophagi then in their turn questioned
26251	the king concerning the term of life and diet of his
26252	people, and were told that most of them lived to be a
26253	hundred and twenty years old, while some even went
26254	beyond that age — they ate boiled flesh,^ and had for
26255	their drink nothing but milk. When the Ichthyophagi
26256	showed wonder at the number of the years, he led them
26257	to a fountain, wherein, when they had washed, they
26258	found their flesh all glossy and sleek, as if they had bathed
26259	in oil — and a scent came from the spring like that of
26260	violets. The water was so weak, they said, that
26261	nothing would float in it, neither wood, nor any lighter
26262	substance, but all went to the bottom. If their account
26263	of this fountain be true, it would be their constant use
26264	of the water from it which makes them so long-lived.
26265	When they quitted the fountain the king led them to
26266	a prison, where the prisoners were all bound with
26267	fetters of gold.^ Among these Ethiopians copper is of
26268	'' Supra, ch. 18, note ^.
26269	^ Gold abounded in Ethiopia ; it is
26270	found on the frontiers of Abyssinia,
26271	and even in the Bisharee desert, which
26272	is called by Edreesee and Aboolfeda,
26273	" the land of Bega," a name the
26274	Bishareeh Arabs still give themselves.
26275	The Bisharee mines are mentioned by
26276	Agatharcides, and are the same men-
26277	tioned by later writers at Ollagce,
26278	which were worked by the Arab
26279	Caliphs. They lie about seventeen or
26280	eighteen days' journey to the south-east
26281	of Derow, a village a little above Kom
26282	Ombo ; but the quantity of gold, even
26283	in the time of the Caliphs, barely
26284	covered the expense of obtaining it,
26285	and when examined by order of
26286	Mohammed Ali it was not found
26287	worth while to re-open them. The
26288	matrix is quartz, and the same to
26289	which Diodorus alludes (iii. 11) under
26290	the name of (f)Xej3as ^apfj-dpov rrj
26291	XevKOTijTi 8ia<pfpov(Tas, and a7rocrrt\-
26292	jSovarjs TTfTpas. See At. Eg., vol. iii.
26293	p. 221 to 234:.— {G. W.J
p. 417
26294	Chap. 23, 24.
26295	CRYSTAL COFFINS.
26296	419
26297	all metals the most scarce and valuable.^ After they
26298	had seen the prison, they were Hkewise shown what is
26299	called " the table of the Sun."
26300	24. Also, last of all, they were allowed to behold the
26301	coffins of the Ethiopians, which are made (according to
26302	report) of crystal,^ after the following fashion : — When
26303	the dead body has been dried, either in the Egyptian,
26304	or in some other manner, they cover the whole with
26305	gypsum, and adorn it with painting until it is as like
26306	the living man as possible. Then they place the body
26307	in a crystal pillar which has been hollowed out to
26308	receive it, crystal being dug up in great abundance in
26309	their country, and of a kind very easy to work. You
26310	may see the corpse through the pillar within which it
26311	lies ; and it neither gives out any unpleasant odour, nor
26312	is it in any respect unseemly ; yet there is no part that
26313	is not as plainly visible as if the body was bare. The
26314	next of kin keep the crystal pillar in their houses a
26315	full year from the time of the death, and give it the
26316	first fruits continually, and honour it with sacrifice.
26317	After the year is out they bear the pillar forth, and set
26318	it up near the town.^
26319	^ Copper is found in various places
26320	in tlie Eastern desert of Egyj)t, be-
26321	tween the Nile and the Eed Sea,
26322	between latitude 24° and 33°, and
26323	specular iron at Hammami in the
26324	desert N, W. of Kossayr. The
26325	copper mines of Mount Sinai were
26326	worked by Osirtasen I., and doubtless
26327	long before, as the names of kings of
26328	the 4th dynasty occur at Wady Ma-
26329	ghara ; and the copper mines of the
26330	Egyptian desert were evidently worked
26331	in ancient times. In Northern
26332	Ethiopia copper is perhaps rare, not
26333	so in the upper part of the White
26334	Nile ; and the numerous spears of
26335	Ethiopia and the Soudan show how
26336	abundant iron is in those countries.
26337	The iron money of Kordofan has been
26338	described by Dr. Holroyd ; and it is
26339	found in other parts of Africa. —
26340	[G.W.]
26341	' This, he says below, was dug out of
26342	the earth. It should therefore be rock
26343	crystal ; but no j^iece of this substance
26344	could be found large enough to hold
26345	a body. It may have been some
26346	vitreous composition, coating the stone
26347	coffins in the form of a mummy, some
26348	of which are found in Egypt. This
26349	seems to be confirmed by Ctesias's
26350	account mentioned in Diodorus. (ii.
26351	15,) The sacrifices made to the
26352	mummy are the usual liturgies, or
26353	services, performed to the dead, bj^ the
26354	Egyptians also. Of glass, see note *
26355	on Book ii. ch. 44.— [G. W.j
26356	^ Much ingenuity has been ex-
26357	pended by Heeren and others in
26358	explaining and rationalizing the mar-
26359	vels of this narrative. 1 cannot but
26360	think, with Niebuhr (Vortrage iiber
26361	alte Geschichte, vol. i. p. 151), that
26362	both the embassy itself, and the ac-
p. 418
26363	420
26364	MARCH AND RETREAT OF CAMBYSES.
26365	Book III.
26366	25. When the spies bad now seen everything, they
26367	returned back to Egypt, and made report to Cambyses,
26368	who was stirred to anger by their words. Forthwith
26369	he set out on his march against the Ethiopians without
26370	having made any provision for the sustenance of his
26371	army, or reflected that he was about to wage war
26372	in the uttermost parts of the earth. Like a senseless
26373	madman as he was,^ no sooner did he receive the
26374	report of the Ichthyophagi than he began his march,
26375	bidding the Greeks who were with his army remain
26376	where they were, and taking his land force with him.
26377	At Thebes, which he passed through on his way, he
26378	detached from his main body some fifty thousand men,
26379	and sent them against the Ammonians with orders to
26380	carry the people into captivity, and Inirn the oracle of
26381	Jupiter. Mean while he himself went on with the rest
26382	of his forces against the Ethiopians. Before, however,
26383	he had accomplished one-fifth part of the distance, all
26384	that the army had in the way of provisions failed ;
26385	whereupon the men began to eat the sumj^ter-beasts,
26386	which shortly failed also. If then, at this time, Cam-
26387	byses, seeing what was happening, had confessed him-
26388	self in the wrong, and led his army back, he would
26389	have done the wisest thing that he could after the mis-
26390	take made at the outset ; but as it was, he took no
26391	manner of heed, but continued to march forwards. So
26392	long as the earth gave them anything, the soldiers sus-
26393	tained life by eating the grass and herbs ; but when
26394	they came to the bare sand, a portion of them were
26395	guilty of a horrid deed : by tens they cast lots for a
26396	man, who was slain to be the food of the others. When
26397	Cambyses heard of these doings, alarmed at such can-
26398	nibalism, he gave up his attack on Ethiopia, and re-
26399	treating by the way he had come, reached Thebes,
26400	count given of the Macrobians, are
26401	fabulous.
26402	^ Concerning the pretended mad-
26403	ness of Cambyses, ^ide iuf]-a, ch. 30,
26404	note *.
p. 419
26405	Chap. 25, 26. THE EXPEDITION AGAINST AMMON.
26406	421
26407	after he had lost vast numbers of his soldiers. From
26408	Thebes he marched down to Memphis, where he dis-
26409	missed the Greeks, allowing them to sail home. And
26410	so ended the expedition against Ethiopia.*
26411	26. The men sent to attack the Ammonians,^
26412	started from Thebes, having guides with them, and
26413	may be clearly traced as far as the city Oasis,^ which
26414	■* The writer above quoted, while
26415	dismissing the embassy to the JMacro-
26416	bians, aud the tales told coucerniiig
26417	them, as fabulous, warns us against
26418	considering the expedition itself to be
26419	a fable. The commnnication between
26420	Egypt and Ethiopia, he remarks, was
26421	such as to render the expedition easy.
26422	Its chief object would be the conquest
26423	of Meroe. Two roads would conduct
26424	to this city — one, the road followed
26425	in part by Burckhardt in 1813 (Tra-
26426	vels in Nubia, Part I., Journey along
26427	the banks of the Nile), along the valley
26428	of the Nile, by Old and New Dongola,
26429	a very circuitous route ; the other,
26430	across the desert from Korosko, in
26431	Upper Egypt, to Aboo Hamed, the
26432	line taken by Bruce in 1772, and
26433	Burckhardt in 1814, wliich is nearly
26434	direct, and is the ordinary route of the
26435	caravans. The latter was apparently
26436	preferred by Canibyses, who may liave
26437	reached as far as Wady Omcjut (lat.
26438	22"), where the sands become quite
26439	barren (Burckhardt, p. 171). Nie-
26440	buhr (1. s. c.) ascribes the failure of
26441	the expedition to the " deadly winds
26442	and sandstorms," which prevail here
26443	no less than in the Sahara ; but I do
26444	not see any sufficient reason for de-
26445	parting on this point from our author.
26446	Burckhardt denies that the winds are
26447	deadly, and doubts there being any real
26448	danger to life from sandstorms in the
26449	Nubian desert (pp. 189-191); and it
26450	is very conceivable that Cambyses,
26451	without being mad, may have pro-
26452	visioned his army insufficiently.
26453	Diodorus's assertion (i. 33), tliat
26454	Cambyses reached as far as Meroe, is
26455	as little worthy of belief as the state-
26456	ment with which it is connected, that
26457	he ])uilt that city. The high anti-
26458	quity of Meroe has been shown
26459	(supra, Book ii. ch. 29, note *).
26460	The expedition of Cambyses was
26461	not without fruit. He reduced the
26462	Ethiopians bordering upon Eg;\-pt, and
26463	made them tributarj' (infra, iii. 97).
26464	* For the seats of this people, vide
26465	supra, Book ii. ch. 32, note ''.
26466	* The city Oasis is taken (Heeren's
26467	African Nations, vol. i. p. 212, and
26468	Bahr ad loc), with much reason, for
26469	the modern El KJiargeh, the chief
26470	town of what is called the great Oasis.
26471	This is distant, by one road 42, by
26472	another 52 hours ('6 and 7^ days'
26473	journey respectively), from ancient
26474	Thebes. The Egyptians in the time
26475	of Herodotus may have given the
26476	name Oasis to the city, as well as to
26477	the tract surrounding it. Oasis, the
26478	Auasis of Strabo, seems to be iden-
26479	tical with the Coptic OYA.^€, and
26480	the Arabic El Wuh. It was api>lied,
26481	according to Strabo, to all inhabited
26482	places lying in the midst of deserts
26483	(Strabo, xvii. p. 1123). Perhaps the
26484	common word Wady, a]3plied by the
26485	Arabs to torrent-courses, is of kindred
26486	origin. (See Burton's Pilgrimage to
26487	Mecca, vol. i. p. 219.)
26488	[There are the remains of a temple
26489	at El Khargeh, having the name of
26490	Darius and of some later kings.
26491	The Egyptian name of the town was
26492	Hebi, the « plough,"
26493	sometimes represented
26494	by tlie i>lough itself.
26495	which was con\-erted by the Greeks
26496	into Ibis, the Hebi of the Copts.
26497	(See notes on Bk. ii. ch. 3'-\) On the
26498	C)asis of Amnion, or Siwah (Seewah),
26499	see " Modern Egypt and Thebes,"
p. 420
26500	422
26501	APrEAEAXCE OF APIS.
26502	Book III.
26503	is inliabited by Samians,^ said to be of tbe tribe
26504	TEschrionia. The place is distant from Thebes seven
26505	days' journey across the sand, and is called in our
26506	tongue " the Island of the Blessed." ^ Thus far the
26507	army is known to have made its way ; but thenceforth
26508	nothing is to be heard of them, except what the Am-
26509	monians, and those who get their knowledge from
26510	them, report. It is certain they neither reached the
26511	Ammonians, nor ever came back to Egypt. Finlher
26512	than this, the Ammonians relate as follows : — That
26513	the Persians set forth from Oasis across the sand, and
26514	had reached about half way between that place and
26515	themselves, when, as they were at their midday meal, a
26516	wind arose from the south, strong and deadly, bringing
26517	with it vast columns of whirling sand, which entirely
26518	covered up the troops, and caused them wholly to dis-
26519	appear.^ Thus, according to the Ammonians, did it
26520	fare with this army.
26521	27. About the time when Cambvses arrived at
26522	vol. ii. p. 374 to 379. The custom
26523	there mentioned of the " Shekh of the
26524	Kews " receiving; all information from
26525	strangers resembles that of the Gauls,
26526	mentioned bv Ca?sar de Bell, Gall. i.
26527	18.— G. W.J
26528	' Dahlmann (Life of Herod, vii.
26529	§ 4) observes upon this, with equal
26530	truth and humour, — " One would
26531	quite as much have expected Samos
26532	as Samians here." He regards Hero-
26533	dotus as deceived by an accidental
26534	similarity of names, like that which
26535	led the Greeks of the Euxine to call
26536	the national deity of the Geta^ (Za-
26537	molxis) a Samian (vide infra, iv. 95).
26538	Bahr (ad loc.) thinks the Samians
26539	might have had a settlement here for
26540	trading pmrposes, but when did Greeks
26541	ever settle 400 miles from the sea-shore
26542	for such an object ?
26543	® Exaggerated notions of the beauty
26544	and fertility of the oases, derived from
26545	the contrast they presented to the
26546	barren wilderness around them, pre-
26547	vailed in very early times. They are
26548	grassy tracts, covered with palm-trees,
26549	and somewhat scantily supplied mth
26550	water. In the 2nd and 3rd centuries
26551	A.c. they were used by the Eomans as
26552	places of banishment.
26553	^ It is not probable that the Persian
26554	army was destroyed, as Herodotus
26555	supposes, by being o^■erwhelmed with
26556	sand. The sandstorms of the Sahara
26557	are unpleasant, possibly even dan-
26558	gerous (Burckhardt, p. 191), but quite
26559	unequal to the task of suddenly over-
26560	whelming and destroying a host. If
26561	the Persian army perished in the
26562	desert from want of water, or the
26563	baleful eii'ects of the Simoon, the shift-
26564	ing sands would speedily accumulate
26565	round the bodies and cover them
26566	up. [An army might lose its way
26567	during one of those dense fogs of the
26568	sand stoiTDS and die of thirst ; but
26569	not from being ovenvhelmed and
26570	buried by the sand. I have been in
26571	some of the worst stonus of sand in
26572	that desert, and of unusual duration,
26573	for they seldom last more than one
26574	day ; but nothing of any size was
26575	"buried" in the sand. — G. W.]
p. 421
26576	Chap. 27, 28.
26577	DESCRIPTION OF THE CALF.
26578	423
26579	Memphis, AjdIs appeared to the Egyptians. Now Apis
26580	is the god whom the Greeks call Epaphus.^ As soon
26581	as he appeared, straightway all the Egyptians arrayed
26582	themselves in their gayest garments, and fell to feasting
26583	and jollity : which when Cambyses saw, making sure
26584	that these rejoicings were on accoinit of his own ill
26585	success, he called before him the officers, who had
26586	charge of Memphis, and demanded of them, — " Why,
26587	when he was in Memphis before, the Egyptians had
26588	done nothing of this kind, but waited until now, when
26589	he had returned with the loss of so many of his
26590	troops?" The officers made answer, "That one of
26591	their gods had appeared to them, a god who at long
26592	intervals of time had been accustomed to show himself
26593	in Egypt — and that always on his appearance, the
26594	whole of Egypt feasted and kept jubilee." When
26595	Cambyses heard this, he told them that they lied, and
26596	as liars he condemned them all to suffer death.
26597	28. When they were dead, he called the priests to
26598	his presence, and questioning them received the same
26599	answer ; whereupon he observed, " That he would soon
26600	know whether a tame god had really come to dwell in
26601	Egypt" — and straightway, without another word, he
26602	bade them bring Apis to him. So they went out from his
26603	presence to fetch the god. Now this Apis, or Epaphus,
26604	is the calf of a cow which is never afterwards able to
26605	bear young. The Egyptians say that fire comes down
26606	from heaven upon the cow, which thereupon conceives
26607	Apis. The calf which is so called, has the following
26608	marks : — He is black, with a square spot of white upon
26609	his forehead, and on his back the figure of an eagle ;
26610	the hairs in his tail are double, and there is a beetle
26611	upon his tongue.^
26612	' Vide supra, ii. 153. [The word
26613	Epaphus looks like a misapplication of
26614	the name Apophis, the giaut servient,
26615	aud the emblem of sin ; but is more
26616	probably that of Apis with, a redu-
26617	plication. The story of Epaphus and
26618	his mother lo show an Egyptian
26619	origin. — G. W.j
26620	^ Apis was supposed to Ije the
26621	image of the soul of Osiris (Plut. de
p. 422
26622	424
26623	CAMBYSES STABS APIS.
26624	Book III.
26625	29. When the priests returned bringing Apis with
26626	them, Cambyses, like the harebrained person that he
26627	was, drew liis dagger, and aimed at the belly of the
26628	Is. 20, 29), and he was the sacred
26629	emblem of that God ; but he is some-
26630	times figured as a man with a bull's
26631	head (probably the origin of the
26632	Minotaur), and is called Apis-Osiris,
26633	which justifies the assertion of Strabo
26634	that " Apis was the same as Osiris."
26635	He is usually call-
26636	ed Apis or " Hapi,
26637	¥^ H
26638	the living bull." 1 ,14^^/0.^
26639	have shown (Bk. ii. K V i\ T^
26640	ch. 19, note) how closely his name re-
26641	sembles that of the God Xilus " Ha])],"
26642	or "Hapi of the waters;" and the
26643	genius of the dead, with the head of a
26644	Cynocephalus, is also Hapi. The
26645	inundation was called " the rise of
26646	Hapi." The bull-Apis is variously
26647	described by ancient authors. Hero-
26648	dotus gives an account of the peculiar
26649	marks by which he was known, which
26650	agree very well with the figures of
26651	him found in bronze, except that the
26652	bird on his back was a vulture.
26653	Herodotus and others suppose him to
26654	have been black, though Ovid calls
26655	him " variis coloribus Apis," and
26656	Strabo describes him with the fore-
26657	head, and some parts of the body, of
26658	a white colour, the rest being black.
26659	Plutarch saj-s that the fact of his
26660	more briglit and shining parts being
26661	obscured by those that were of a dark
26662	hue agrees with the resemblance
26663	between Osiris and the moon, but this
26664	connexion between Osiris and the
26665	moon is an error ; nor was a spot on
26666	his right side in the form of a crescent,
26667	as Anmiianus Marcellinus supposes,
26668	the principal sign by which he was
26669	known. Plutarch (de Isid. 39) men-
26670	tions " a gilded ox," ^vith a pall of
26671	the finest black linen, representing the
26672	grief of Tsis for Osiris, which was
26673	Apis. A black bull with a white
26674	crescent, or spot on his shoulder, is
26675	found in the tombs carrying a corpse,
26676	which was a form of Apis, in the
p. 423
26677	Chap. 29.
26678	DEATH OF THE GOD.
26679	425
26680	animal, but missed his mark, and stabbed him in the
26681	thigh. Tlien he laughed, and said to the priests : —
26682	" Oh ! blockheads, and think ye that gods become like
26683	this, of flesh and blood, and sensible to steel ? A fit
26684	god indeed for Egyptians, such an one ! But it shall
26685	cost you dear that you have made me your laughing-
26686	stock." When he had so spoken, he ordered those
26687	whose business it was^ to scourge the priests, and if
26688	character of Osiris, as god of the
26689	dead. iElian pretends that Apis
26690	had twenty-nine marks, each re-
26691	ferable to some mystic meaning,
26692	and that the Egyptians did not
26693	allow those given by Herodotus and
26694	Ai'istagoras. Ammiauus says that
26695	" Apis was sacred to the moon, and
26696	Mnevis to the sun." According to
26697	Plutarch (s. 33) Mnevis, the sacred
26698	bull of Heliopolis, was also dedicated
26699	to Osiris, " and honoured with a
26700	reverence next to that jiaid to Apis,
26701	whose sire some suppose him to be ;"
26702	and Diodorus thinks that " both Apis
26703	and Mnevis were sacred to Osiris,
26704	and worshipped as gods throughout
26705	Egypt." Mnevis is described by most
26706	writers of a dark colour. Plutarch
26707	suggests that the people of Elis and
26708	Argos derived the notion of Bacchus
26709	with a bull's head from the figures of
26710	Osiris (Apis-Osiris). When ^lian
26711	(xi. 10) says they " compare Apis to
26712	Horns, being the cause of fertility,"
26713	he evidently means Osiris. The fes-
26714	tival of Apis lasted seven days, when
26715	he was led in solemn procession by
26716	the priests through Llemphis ; and
26717	Pliny and Soliuus pretend that
26718	children who smelt his breath were
26719	thought to be gifted with prophecj'.
26720	This agrees with the remark of ^Elian
26721	" that Apis does not employ virgins
26722	and old women sitting on a tripod,
26723	nor does he require them to be in-
26724	toxicated with the sacred portion, but
26725	inspires boj's who play round his
26726	stable with a divine impulse, enaliling
26727	them to pour forth predictions in
26728	perfect rhythm." (See At. Eg., vol.
26729	iv. p. 347 to 359.) Pausanias, vii.
26730	22, says, after stopping their ears with
26731	their hands, they took the oracular
26732	omen from the first word they heard
26733	uttered by passers by. On the fes-
26734	tival lasting seven days, see note on
26735	Book ii. ch. 109. On Apis, see notes
26736	on Book ii. clis. 38, 60, and 153 ; and
26737	below, 29.— [G. W. j
26738	3 Like the modern Turks, and other
26739	orientals, the Persians had certain
26740	I^ei'sons whose dutj' it was to inflict
26741	the bastinado and other punishments ;
26742	and it is curious to find in the sculp-
26743	tures of Nineveh that the Assyilans
26744	practised the same tortures, for which
26745	the Persians and the Turks were
26746	afterwards so noted. We find in Mr.
26747	Layard's drawings men pinned down
26748	to the ground and flayed alive ; some
26749	are impaled ; and other punishments
26750	are inflicted with the same systematic
26751	cruelty. The conduct of the Egy^p-
26752	tians to their enemies contrasts fa-
26753	vourably with that of the Eastern
26754	people of antiquity ; for they only
26755	cut ofi" the hands of the dead, and
26756	laid them in " heaps " before the king
26757	(cp. 2 Kings X. 8, and 1 Sam. xviii.
26758	27), as returns of the enemy's killed ;
26759	and if their captives were obliged to
26760	work, this was only the condition
26761	on which life was preserved in early
26762	times ; and we see no systematic tor-
26763	tures inflicted, and no cruelties be-
26764	yond accidental harsh treatment by
26765	some ignorant soldier, not unknown
26766	in the wars of Christian Europe. The
26767	opinions of Polj'bius (xv. 5) and late
26768	writers, do not apply to the ancient
26769	Egyptians, and their humanity to
26770	slaves is shown by their conduct to-
26771	wards Joseph, and by the evidence of
26772	the monuments ; indeed the murder
26773	of a slave was punishable bv Egyp-
26774	tian law.— I'G. W.]
p. 424
26775	426
26776	MADNESS OF CAMBYSES.
26777	Book III.
26778	they found any of the Egyptians keeping festival to put
26779	them to death. Thus was the feast stopped through-
26780	out the land of Egypt, and the jDriests suffered punish-
26781	ment. Apis, wounded in the thigh, lay some time
26782	pining in the temple ; at last he died of his wound,
26783	and the priests buried him * secretly without the know-
26784	ledge of Cambyses.
26785	30. And now Cambyses, who even before had not
26786	been quite in his right mind, was forthwith, as the
26787	Egyptians say, smitten with madness ^ for this crime.
26788	The first of his outrages was the slaying of Smerdis,^
26789	* Plutarcli says Cambyses killed the
26790	Apis, and gave it to the dogs. It is
26791	true, as Larcher observes, that Hero-
26792	dotus lived nearer the time than Plu-
26793	tarch : but it is not impossible that
26794	the Egyptians may have concealed
26795	the truth so disagreeable to them ;
26796	and it would be more likely th»t Cam-
26797	byses should kill, than be satisfied
26798	with merely wounding, the sacred bull.
26799	The burial-place of the A^^is has been
26800	lately discovered by M. Mariette close
26801	to the pyramids of Abooseer, near
26802	Memphis. It is an arched gallery,
26803	2000 feet in length in one direction,
26804	and about 20 leet in height and
26805	breadth, on each side of which is a
26806	series of chambers or recesses, everj'
26807	one containing an immense granite or
26808	basalt sarcophagus, 15 feet by 8, in
26809	which the body of the sacred bull was
26810	deposited. Several stelae have been
26811	found, placed against the walls ; one
26812	of the time of Amasis, another of Nec-
26813	tanebo, another of a Ptolemy, which
26814	mention the time when the bulls were
26815	born, when enthroned, and when they
26816	died, and were buried, showing that
26817	they mostly lived from seventeen to
26818	twenty-three years. Two, however,
26819	lived 26 years, showing that the tale
26820	of A] lis being allowed to live only 25
26821	is erroneous ; and, indeed, unless the
26822	others could be made to complete 25
26823	the number would have no meaning.
26824	— [G. W.]
26825	* The madness of Cambyses has
26826	been generally accepted by our ^\Titers.
26827	Bp, Thirlwall, indeed (vol. ii. ch. xiii.),
26828	observes that " the actions ascribed
26829	to him are not more extravagant than
26830	those recorded of other despots." But
26831	he accepts the actions themselves as
26832	true, and considers his t}ranny to
26833	have been " -w^ld and capricious." Mr.
26834	Grote (vol. iv. p. 296) declares that,
26835	after killing Apis, he "lost eveiy
26836	spark of reason." But, as Heeren
26837	long ago observed, " we ought to be
26838	particularly on our guard against the
26839	evil that is related of Cambyses, inas-
26840	much as our information is derived
26841	entirely from his enemies, the Egyp-
26842	tian priests" (Manual, book ii. p. 94,
26843	Engl. Tr.). The stories told of him
26844	are likely to have been either invented
26845	or exaggerated, and, so far as they
26846	are true, may be explained without
26847	imph'ing madness. Certainly there is
26848	no appearance in the gi'eat iuscrijDtion
26849	of Darius that he looked upon Cam-
26850	bj-ses as a madman, or even as wild
26851	and extravagant. The evidence is in-
26852	deed merely negative, but, coupling it
26853	with the silence of Ctesias, we must
26854	conclude, I think, that the Persians
26855	knew nothing of the pretended mad-
26856	ness of this king.
26857	It may be added that the epithet
26858	(AeaTroTrjs) by which his subjects are
26859	said to have described his character
26860	(Herod, iii. 89)^ does not imply more
26861	than a strict and severe rule.
26862	^ The true name of this prince,
26863	which Ctesias, with his usual infe-
26864	licity, gives as Tanyoxarces (Excerpt.
26865	Pers. § 8), was Bardiya, " Bardes,"
26866	or " Bardis." The Greek form most
p. 425
26867	Chap. 30.
26868	DEATH OF SMERDIS.
26869	427
26870	his full brother/ whom he had sent back to Persia from
26871	Egypt out of envy, because he drew the bow brought
26872	from the Ethiopians by the Ichthyophagi (which none
26873	of the other Persians were able to bend) the distance of
26874	two fingers' breadth.* When Smerdis was departed into
26875	Persia, Oambyses had a vision in his sleep — he thought
26876	a messenger from Persia came to him with tidings, that
26877	Smerdis sat ujoon the royal throne, and with his head
26878	touched the heavens. Fearing therefore for himself,
26879	and thinking it likely that his brother would kill him,
26880	and rule in his stead, Cambyses sent into Persia
26881	Prexaspes, whom he trusted beyond all the other
26882	Persians, bidding him put Smerdis to death. So this
26883	Prexaspes went up to Susa ^ and slew Smerdis. Some
26884	nearly resembling ttis is the Mardus
26885	of ^schylus (-Pers. 780, Bl.) Next
26886	in order may be placed the Merdis
26887	of Nicolaus Damascenus and Justin
26888	(i. 4). Hence tlie Smerdis of Hero-
26889	dotus, in wliich the initial S is due
26890	to the same laws of euphony tliat
26891	produced criidpaydos, cr^do), afxripiy^,
26892	CTfiiKpos, (TplXa^, a-fivyepos, crp-vpaiva,
26893	a-p.vpva, ktK. The Persian B, for
26894	which the Greeks had no real equi-
26895	valent, their own B havino; the sound
26896	of V, was replaced, naturally enough,
26897	by the labial most akin to it, M.
26898	(Compare the Greek Megabyzus, Me-
26899	gabignes, &c., where the Persian prefis
26900	is Baga = ^eof.)
26901	' In the original, " both of the
26902	same father and of the same mother."
26903	This was true, and is expressed in the
26904	same luords in the Behistun inscrip-
26905	tion (Col. I. par. 10) : " Hamata
26906	harnpita Kabujiyahya" (6p.op.r]Tpioi,
26907	op-OTrdrpios Kap.j3vaei).
26908	^ This is contradicted by the in-
26909	scription, which records that Smerdis
26910	was put to death before Cambyses
26911	started for Efjypt (Beli. Ins. Col. I.
26912	Par. 10).
26913	^ From this passage, as well as from
26914	several others (chs. 65, 70, &c.), it
26915	would appear that Susa had become
26916	tlie cliief residence of the Persian
26917	ciiurt as early as the time of Cam-
26918	voL. n.
26919	byses. (See also Ctes. Pers. § 9.)
26920	This point, however, is involved in
26921	great obscurity. It is not even quite
26922	clear at what time Susiana became
26923	subject to Persia. Apparently it re-
26924	mained a province of Babylon to the
26925	time of Cyrus's conquest (cf. Dan.
26926	viii. 2), when it passed with the
26927	Babylonian empire into the hands of
26928	the Persians. Was it at once made
26929	the capital ? According to Strabo and
26930	Xenophou it would seem so, for both
26931	distinctly refer the settling of the
26932	court at Susa to Cyrus (Strab. xv. p.
26933	1031 ; Xen. Cyrop. viii. vi. § 22),
26934	But more trustworthy writers give
26935	CjTus only Ecbatana and Pasargadaj
26936	as his capitals. (Herod, i. 153 ; Ctes.
26937	Pers. § 2-4 ; Nic. Damasc. Fr. 67 ;
26938	com.pare An-ian. Exp. Alex. vi. 29 ;
26939	Anaxim. ap. Steph. Byz. ad voc.
26940	ILaa-n-apycibaL.) Ctesias and Hero-
26941	dotus (1. s. c.) both make Susa the
26942	chief city of Cambyses and the later
26943	kings ; and it may be supposed that
26944	the son of Cvtus, before invading
26945	Egypt, efiected the cliange. But Hero-
26946	dotus in one place (iii. 64) speaks as
26947	if Ecbatana was the capital of Cam-
26948	byses, and the inscri]itions of Darius
26949	render it extremely doubtful whether
26950	Susa was made the capital till some
26951	time after he came to tlie throne. The
26952	frequent revolts of Susiana (Beh. Ins.
26953	2 Cx
p. 426
26954	428
26955	CAMBYSES KILLS HIS SISTEK.
26956	Book III.
26957	say he killed him as they hunted together, others, that
26958	he took him down to the Erythraean Sea, and there
26959	drowned him.^"
26960	31. This, it is said, was the first outrage which
26961	Cambyses committed. The second was the slaying of
26962	his sister, who had accompanied him into Egypt, and
26963	lived with him as his wife, though she was his full
26964	Col. I. Par. 16, CoL II. Par. 3, and
26965	CoL V. Par. 1), the fact that Darius, on
26966	a revolt, always sends, or gots, to Siisi-
26967	ana, and the want of any indication
26968	of his ever even resting at Susa, are
26969	arguments against tlie supposed re-
26970	sidence of the court there at the begin-
26971	ning of his reign. It is probable,
26972	however, that the change was made
26973	Ml the course of Ms reign. The honour-
26974	able position of Susiana in one of
26975	his Inscriptions at Persepolis (Behist.
26976	Memoir, vol. i. p. 280), at the head
26977	of the satrapies, before even Media, is
26978	signiiicant. And the Greeks can
26979	scarcely have been mistaken on the
26980	point, so soon as the Persian court
26981	became a refuge for their malcontents.
26982	It must be borne in mind also that
26983	the ruins of the gi'eat palace at Susa
26984	show Darius to have been its original
26985	founder (see Loftus's Chalda^a, p. 372).
26986	Accordingly, Pliny appears to have
26987	followed a sound tradition wlien he
26988	made Darius the founder (t. e. the
26989	restorer) of the Susian capital (H. N.
26990	vi. 27), which from his time, or, at
26991	latest, from that of his successor,
26992	clearly became the chief residence of
26993	the Persian monarchs. See, besides
26994	Herodotus, iEschyl. Pers. 16, 124,
26995	&c. ; Neh. i. 1 ; Esth. i. 2, &c.
26996	The reasons for making Susa the
26997	capital are scarcely less obscure.
26998	Strabo says that the change was made
26999	on three grounds : 1. the convenient
27000	position of the city between Persia
27001	and Babylonia ; 2. its ancient dig-
27002	nity ; and 3. the fact of its long quiet
27003	subjection to foreign yokes. Tlie last
27004	of these reasons contrasts curiously
27005	with the evident fact of its impatience
27006	under Persian rule. The second would
27007	have applied with far greater force to
27008	Babylon. No doubt the jjosition of
27009	the city at the edge of the great moun-
27010	tain-range, thereby easily communi-
27011	cating both with the up[)er country
27012	east and north of Zagros, and with
27013	the great Mesopotamian plain at its
27014	base, was an important determining
27015	cause ; but other reasons may have
27016	helped to produce the decision. The
27017	delightful situation of Susa, the beauty
27018	of the herbage, the excellence of the
27019	water (Geograph. Journal, vol. ix.
27020	part i. p. 70-1 ; comp. Atheuajus, xii.
27021	p. 513 F.) ; and, again, the compara-
27022	tive retiredness of the place, which was
27023	less a city than a palace (Dan. viii.
27024	2; Neh. i. 1; Esther, i. 2; Plin.
27025	1. s. c), may have constituted attrac-
27026	tions to a luxurious court such as
27027	that of Darius seems to have become.
27028	'*• The inscription expressly con-
27029	fiiTus the fact of the putting to death
27030	of Smerdis by his brother, and also
27031	states that the death was not generally
27032	known (Col. I. Par. 10, § 7). Indeed,
27033	this is sufficiently apparent from the
27034	coming forward witliin a few years of
27035	two pretenders, who personated the
27036	dead prince (Col. I. Par. 11, and Col.
27037	III. Par. 5). Such personations can
27038	only occur when the death has been
27039	concealed. (Compare the cases of
27040	Perkin Warbeck, and the individual
27041	who lately claimed to be Louis XVII.)
27042	Ctesias, diflering in almost all the
27043	particulars, agrees with Herodotus and
27044	the inscriptions as to the main facts —
27045	that Cambyses suspected the fidelity
27046	of his brother, and had him put to
27047	death secretly (Excerpt. § 10).
27048	In later times, the practice of re-
27049	moving, or incapacitating, all the bro-
27050	thers of the reigning sovereign, as
27051	persons whose pretensions might be
27052	dangerous, has prevailed almost uni-
27053	versally both in Turkey and Persia.
p. 427
27054	CiiAP. 31. TACT OF THE KOYAL JUDGES. 429
27055	sister/ the daughter both of his father and his mother.
27056	The way wherein he had made her his wife was the
27057	following : — It was not the custom of the Persians,
27058	before his time, to marry their sisters — but Oambyses,
27059	happening to fall in love with one of his, and wishing
27060	to take her to wife, as he knew that it was an un-
27061	common thing, called together the royal judges, and
27062	put it to them, " whether there was any law which
27063	allowed a brother, if he wished, to marry his sister?"
27064	Now the royal judges are certain picked men among
27065	the Persians, who hold their office for life, or until
27066	they are found guilty of some misconduct. By them
27067	justice is administered in Persia, and they are the inter-
27068	preters of the old laws, all disputes being referred to
27069	their decision. When Cambyses, therefore, put his
27070	question to these judges, they gave him an answer
27071	which was at once true and safe — " they did not find
27072	any law," they said, " allowing a brother to take his
27073	sister to wife, but they found a law, that the king of
27074	the Persians might do whatever he pleased." And so
27075	they neither warped the law through fear of Cambyses,
27076	nor ruined themselves by over stiffly maintaining the
27077	law ; but they brought another quite distinct law to
27078	the king's help, which allowed him to have his wish.^
27079	Oambyses, therefore, married the object of his love,^
27080	and no long time afterwards he took to wife another
27081	sister. It was the younger of these who went with
27082	him into Egypt, and there suffered death at his hands.
27083	' The Egyptians were permitted to l furnished by Dan. ch. vi. — " The law
27084	marry their sisters by the same father of the Medes and Persians alters
27085	and mother. Both were forbidden by
27086	the Levitical law ; but in Patriarchal
27087	times a man was permitted to marry
27088	a sister, the daughter of his father
27089	only (Gen. xx. 12). The Egyptian
27090	custom is one of those pointed at in
27091	Levit. xviii. 3.— [G. W.]
27092	""' It is scarcely necessary to point
27093	out the agreement between the view
27094	of Persian law here disclosed, and that
27095	not."
27096	^ This was Atossa, the mother of
27097	Xerxes (vide infra, iii. 88), who was
27098	the wife successively of Cambyses, the
27099	Pseudo-Smcrdis, and Darius Hys-
27100	taspes. In later times still worse
27101	incest was permitted to the kings.
27102	Artaxerxes Mnemon married two of
27103	his own daughters (Plut. Vit. Artax.
27104	Op. vol. i. p. 1870).
27105	2 G 2
p. 428
27106	430 CAMBYSES AFFLICTED WITH EPILEPSY. Book III.
27107	32. Concerning the manner of lier death, as con-
27108	cerning that of Smerdis/ two different accounts are
27109	given. The story which the G-reeks tell^ is, that Cani-
27110	byses had set a young dog to fight the cub of a lioness
27111	— his wife looking on at the time. Xow the dog was
27112	getting tlie worse, when a pup of the same litter broke
27113	his chain, and came to his brother's aid — then the two
27114	dogs together fought the lion, and conquered him.
27115	The thing greatly pleased Cambyses, but his sister who
27116	was sitting by shed tears. When Cambyses saw this, he
27117	asked her why she wept : whereon she told him, that
27118	seeing the young dog come to his brother's aid made
27119	her think of Smerdis, whom there was none to help.
27120	For this speech, the Greeks say, Cambyses put her to
27121	death. But the Egyptians tell the story thus : — The
27122	two were sitting at table, when the sister took a lettuce,
27123	and stripping the leaves off, asked her brother " when
27124	he thought the lettuce looked the prettiest — when it had
27125	all its leaves on, or now that it was stripped ? " He
27126	answered, " When the leaves were on." " But thou,"
27127	she rejoined, " hast done as I did to the lettuce, and
27128	made bare the house of Cyrus." Then Cambyses was
27129	wroth, and sprang fiercely upon her, though she was
27130	with child at the time. And so it came to pass that
27131	she miscarried and died.^
27132	33. Thus mad was Cambyses upon his own kindred,
27133	and this either from his usage of Apis, or from some
27134	other among the many causes from which calamities
27135	are wont to arise. They say that from his birth he was
27136	afflicted with a dreadful disease, the disorder which
27137	some call "the sacred sickness."^ It would be by no
27138	* Vide supra, ch. 30, sub fin. ' Saci-ed Sickness " (wepi ttjs ipr/s vov-
27139	* This story may have had no other a-ov). The Tuscans still call it " mal
27140	foundation than the fact of the mis- benedetto." Its sudden and terrible
27141	carriage, and the bitter feeling of the cliaractev caused it to be regarded as a
27142	Eg\'ptiau priests. divine visitation. Whether Cambyses
27143	^ That the disease known under was really subject to it, or not, we have
27144	this name was epilepsy appears from no means of deciding,
27145	the book of Hippocrates, " On the
p. 429
27146	Chap. 32-34. HIS LOVE OF WINE. 431
27147	means strange, therefore, if his mind were affected in
27148	some degree, seeing that his body laboured under so
27149	sore a malady.
27150	34. He was mad also upon others besides his kin-
27151	dred ; among the rest, upon Prexaspes, the man whom
27152	he esteemed beyond all the rest of the Persians, who
27153	carried his messages, and whose son held the office — an
27154	honour of no small account in Persia — of his cupbearer.
27155	Him Cambyses is said to have once addressed as fol-
27156	lows : — " What sort of man, Prexaspes, do the Persians
27157	think me? What do they say of me?" Prexaspes
27158	answered, " Oh ! sire, they praise thee greatly in all
27159	things but one — they say thou art too much given to
27160	love of wine."'^ Such Prexaspes told him was the
27161	judgment of the Persians ; whereupon Cambyses, full
27162	of rage, made answer, " What ? they say now that I
27163	drink too much wine, and so have lost my senses, and
27164	am gone out of my mind ! Then their former speeches
27165	about me were untrue." For once, when the Persians
27166	were sitting with him, and Croesus was by, he had
27167	asked them, " What sort of man they thought him
27168	compared to his father Cyrus ? " Hereon they had
27169	answered, " That he surpassed his father, for he was
27170	lord of all that his father ever ruled, and further had
27171	made himself master of Egyj^t, and the sea." Then
27172	Croesus, who was standing near, and misliked the com-
27173	parison, spoke thus to Cambyses : " In my judgment,
27174	0 ! son of Cyrus, thou art not equal to thy father, for
27175	thou hast not yet left behind thee such a son as he."
27176	Cambyses was delighted when he heard this vejyly, and
27177	praised the judgment of Croesus.
27178	' The drinking propensities of the
27179	Persians generally have been already
27180	noticed by Herodotus (i. 133). Nie-
27181	buhr (Vortrage, vol. i. p. 153) remarks
27182	that Cambyses was not the only one
27183	on which point see Col. Eawlinson's
27184	note upon Herod, i. 133 (supra, vol.
27185	i. p. 273, note "). Plutarch relates of
27186	the younger Cyrus, that he boasted of
27187	being able to drink more wine, and
27188	of the Persian kings who had a jiassion carry it better, than his brother (olvov
27189	for wine. He notices the permanency < n\eiova iriveiv Ka\ cfjepeiv. Op. vol. i.
27190	of the national character in this respect, p. lb.54).
p. 430
27191	432
27192	TEEE-PLANTING.
27193	Book 111.
27194	35. Recollecting" these answers, Cambyses spoke
27195	fiercely to Prexaspes, saying-, " Judge now thyself,
27196	Prexaspes, whether the Persians tell the truth, or
27197	whether it is not they who are mad for speaking as
27198	they do. Look there now at thy son standing in the
27199	vestibule— -if I shoot and hit him right in the middle
27200	of the heart, it will be plain the Persians have no
27201	grounds for what they say : if I miss him, then I allow
27202	that the Persians are right, and that I am out of my
27203	mind." So speaking he drew the bow to the full,
27204	and struck the boy, who straightway fell down dead.
27205	Then Cambyses ordered the body to be opened, and
27206	the wound examined ; and when the arrow was found
27207	to have entered the heart, the king was quite over-
27208	joyed, and said to the father with a laugh, " Now
27209	thou seest plainly, Prexaspes, that it is not I who am
27210	mad, but the Persians who have lost their senses. I
27211	pray thee tell me, sawest thou ever mortal man send
27212	an arrow with a better aim ? " Prexaspes, seeing that
27213	the king was not in his right mind, and fearing for
27214	himself, replied, " Oh ! my lord, I do not think that
27215	God himself could shoot so dexterously." Such was
27216	the outrage which Cambyses committed at this time :
27217	at another, he took twelve of the noblest Persians,
27218	and, without bringing any charge worthy of death
27219	against them, buried them all up to the neck.^
27220	36. Hereupon Croesus the Lydian thought it right to
27221	admonish Cambyses, which he did in these words fol-
27222	lowing : — " Oh ! king, allow not thyself to give way
27223	" This mode of punishment is still
27224	in use at the present day, and goes by
27225	the name of "Tree-planting." Feti-
27226	Ali-Shah once sent for Astra-chan,
27227	one of his courtiers, and with an ap-
27228	pearance of great friendliness took
27229	inni round his garden, showing him
27230	all its beauties. When he had finished
27231	the circuit, he appealed to Astra-chan
27232	to know " what Ms garden still
27233	lacked ?" " Nothing," said the cour-
27234	tier ; " it is quite perfect." " I think
27235	diflerently," replied the king ; " I
27236	must decidedly ]ilant a tree in it."
27237	Astra-chan, who knew the king's
27238	meaning only too well, fell at his
27239	feet, and begged his life ; which he
27240	obtained at the price of surrendering
27241	to the king the lady to whom he was
27242	betrothed. (See ISiebuhr's Vortrage,
27243	vol. i. p. 155.)
p. 431
27244	Chap. 35, 36. CAMBYSES AND CRCESUS. 433
27245	entirely to thy youth, and the heat of thy temper, but
27246	check and control thyself. It is well to look to con-
27247	sequences, and in forethought is true wisdom. Thou
27248	layest hold of men, who are thy fellow-citizens, and
27249	without cause of complaint, slayest them — thou even
27250	puttest children to death — bethink thee now, if thou
27251	shalt often do things like these, will not the Persians
27252	rise in revolt against thee ? It is by thy father's wish
27253	that I offer thee advice ; he charged me strictly to give
27254	thee such counsel as I might see to be most for thy
27255	good." In thus advising Cambyses, Croesus meant
27256	nothing but what was friendly. But Cambyses an-
27257	swered him, " Dost thou presume to offer me advice ?
27258	Right well thou ruledst thy own country when thou
27259	wert a king, and right sage advice thou gavest my
27260	father Cyrus, bidding him cross the Araxes and fight
27261	the Massagetse in their own land, when they were
27262	willing to have passed over into ours. By thy mis-
27263	direction of thine own affairs thou broughtest ruin
27264	upon thyself, and by thy bad counsel, which he followed,
27265	thou broughtest ruin upon Cyrus, my father. But thou
27266	shalt not escape punishment now, for I have long been
27267	seeking to find some occasion against thee." As he thus
27268	spoke, Cambyses took up his bow to shoot at Croesus ;
27269	but Croesus ran hastily out, and escaped. So when
27270	Cambyses found that he could not kill him with his bow,
27271	he bade his servants seize him, and put him to death.
27272	The servants, however, who knew their master's
27273	humour, thought it best to hide Croesus ; that so, if
27274	Cambyses relented, and asked for him, they might
27275	bring him out, and get a reward for having saved his
27276	life — if, on the other hand, he did not relent, or regret
27277	the loss, they might then despatch him. Not long
27278	afterwards, Cambyses did in fact regret the loss of
27279	Croesus, and the servants, j^erceiving it, let him know
27280	that he was still alive. " I am glad," said he, " that
27281	Croesus lives, but as for you who saved him, ye shall
p. 432
27282	434
27283	PIGMY IMAGES.
27284	Book III.
27285	not escape my vengeance, but shall all of you be put to
27286	death." And he did even as he had said.
27287	37. Many other wild outrages of this sort did 0am-
27288	byses commit, both upon the Persians and the allies,
27289	while he still stayed at Memphis; among the rest
27290	he opened the ancient sepulchres, and examined the
27291	bodies that were buried in them. He likewise went
27292	into the temple of Vulcau, and made great sport of the
27293	image. For the image of Yulcan^ is very like the
27294	Patseci ^ of the Phoenicians, wherewith they ornament
27295	^ The pigmy figures of Pthah-Sokari
27296	are often found in Egypt, principally,
27297	as miglit be supposed, about Memphis.
27298	He usually had a scaraba^us on his
27299	head. He was also figured as a man
27300	with a hawk's head ; and the prow of
27301	his ark or sacred boat was ornamented
27302	with the head of an oryx. This was
27303	carried in procession by sixteen or
27304	more pi'iests, in the same manner as
27305	the arks of the other Gods (see note " on
27306	Bk. ii. ch. 58) ; and that it was looked
27307	upon with particular respect through-
27308	out Egypt is shown by its being
27309	attended by the king in person at
27310	Thebes, as well as by a high-priest or
27311	prophet, clad in the leopard-skin dress,
27312	and by another who may answer to the
27313	8a8ovxos, or torch-bearer. (Cp. the
27314	Hierophant or Prophet, the Daduchus,
27315	the Priest dressed like the moon, the
27316	Herald who recited the ritual, and
27317	the Epimeleta?, and other priests, at
27318	the Eleusinian Mysteries.) It is pre-
27319	ceded by the banner and the sacred
27320	sceptre of the God, borne also by
27321	eighteen priests, and attended by an-
27322	other pontiff in the leopard-skin robes.
27323	Pthah-Sokari, or Pthah-Sokar-Osiris,
27324	seems to be the union of the Great God
27325	Pthah, the creative power, and the
27326	mysterious Osiris ; and it is not im-
27327	possible that those three may combine
27328	the three orders of Gods, being the
27329	Creator, the vivifying Deity, and the
27330	God of a future state ; but the cere-
27331	mony of carrying the boat or ark of
27332	Sokari appears really to refer to the
27333	mysterious death of Osiris (see At.
27334	Eg. W., vol. iv. p. 255, 359). The
27335	deformed figirre of the Pthah of Mem-
27336	phis doubtless gave rise to the fable
27337	of the lameness of the Greek He-
27338	phaestus or Vulcan, and perhaps to the
27339	Gnostic notion of the Demiurgus being
27340	of an imperfect nature. Some of the
27341	pigmy figures, of late time, have the
27342	lion's skin of Hercules, which seems to
27343	connect them with the God of Tyre. —
27344	[G. W.J
27345	* The Pata3ci of the Phoenicians
27346	have been learnedly discussed by
27347	Bochart (Plialeg. ii. iii.) and Selden
27348	(de Dis Syris, ii. 16). They were
27349	dwarf figures of gods, apparently of
27350	any gods, placed, according to Hero-
27351	dotus, at the prow, according to Hesy-
27352	chius and Suidas, at the poop of a
27353	galley. They were probably intended
27354	to protect the ship from harm. The
27355	word is variously deiived. Scaliger
27356	and Selden connect it with the He-
p. 433
27357	Chap. 37, 38.
27358	PEOOFS OF OAMBYSES' INSANITY.
27359	435
27360	the prows of their ships of war. If persons have not
27361	seen these, I will explain in a different way — it is a
27362	figure resembling that of a pigmy. He went also into
27363	the temjDle of the Cabiri,^ which it is unlawful for any
27364	one to enter except the priests, and not only made sport
27365	of the images, but even burnt them.^* They are made
27366	like the statue of Yulcan, who is said to have been
27367	their father.
27368	38. Thus it appears certain to me, by a great variety
27369	of proofs, that Cambyses was raving mad ; he would
27370	not else have set himself to make a mock of holy rites
27371	and long-established usages. For if one were to offer
27372	men to choose out of all the customs in the world such
27373	brew nns " insculpere" and D"'n-inS
27374	" sculptures ,•" Bochart with nbl
27375	" co7ifidere, securum esse ;" Mowers
27376	(Phonizier, vol. i. p. 653) with the
27377	Greek TraTaa-a-a. Bunsen (Egypt.
27378	vol. i. p. 383) approves of the deri-
27379	vation of Scaliger and Selden, but
27380	takes nns in the sense which it bears
27381	in Kal, of " aperire, retec/ere." With
27382	this root he identifies etymologically
27383	the Phtha of the Egyptians, who is
27384	"the great revealer," and whose name
27385	has no Egjqatian derivation. Perhaps
27386	it is simplest to regard UaraiKo'l as
27387	D"'n-inS " images." [From TraraiKos
27388	has come the French word " fe'tiche."
27389	— G.W.]
27390	^ The Cabiri were properly Phoe-
27391	nician gods. (See note on Book ii.
27392	oh. 51.)
27393	[Pthah-Sokari-Osiris may possibly
27394	represent the Cabiri of Egypt, though
27395	the Phcenician Cabiri being eight in
27396	number would argue that they were
27397	the eight great Gods of Egypt. The
27398	Cabiri of Samothrace were thought
27399	to be the same as the Corybantes
27400	and Curetes ; and these being so
27401	much connected with the Mysteries
27402	of Ceres seems to point to the ofSce of
27403	Pthah-Sokari-Osiris (see At. Eg., vol.
27404	V. p. 54 ; vol. iv. p. 184). Herodotus
27405	calls them sons of Vulcan, but we
27406	have no son of Pthah mentioned on
27407	the monuments, except Aimothph, or
27408	Asclepius, and he is not figured like
27409	the pigmy God of Memphis. Da-
27410	mascius, in his life of Isidorus, says,
27411	" the Asclepius of Berytus is neither
27412	Greek nor Egyptian, but of I'lioeni-
27413	cian origin ; for (seven) sons were born
27414	to Sadyk, called Dioscuri and Cabiri,
27415	and the eighth of them Avas Esmun,
27416	who is interpreted Asclepius." Es-
27417	mun signifies in fact " eight," whence
27418	the name of Hermopolis Shmoun
27419	B, " the two eights ;" and Esmun is
27420	evidently related to the Hebrew She-
27421	men eh and the Arabic Themanieh or
27422	Tseman. But neither this nor the men-
27423	tion of Asclepius will explain the cha-
27424	racter of the Cabiri, though the num-
27425	ber eight seems to point to the eight
27426	great Gods, among whom Asclepius
27427	cannot be admitted. The name Ca-
27428	biri, " great," is certainly Phoeriician
27429	and not Egj'ptian. But whether the
27430	eight great Gods, or Pthah-Sokar-
27431	Osiris, the Cabiri could not be sons of
27432	Pthah. (See schol. on ApoUon. Ehod.)
27433	There is a valuable note on the Cabiri
27434	in Kenrick's Herodotus, p. 264. — G,
27435	W.]
27436	^'^ Later authors assert that Cam-
27437	byses broke the vocal statue of Mem-
27438	non (Syncellus, p. 151, C ; Paschal
27439	Chron. p. 144), and some that he
27440	utterly destroyed Thebes (John of
27441	Antioch, Fr. 27). The former tradi-
27442	tion, which rests on the authority of a
27443	certain Polyamus of Athens, seems
27444	worthy of attention.
p. 434
27445	436
27446	DARIUS' QUESTION TO THE INDIANS.
27447	Book III.
27448	as seemed to them the best, they would examine the
27449	whole nmnber, and end by preferring their own ^^ so
27450	convinced are they that their own usages far surpass
27451	those of all others. Unless, therefore, a man was mad,
27452	it is not likely that he would make sport of such
27453	matters. That people have this feeling about their
27454	laws may be seen by very many proofs : among others,
27455	by the following. Darius, after he had got the king-
27456	dom, called into his presence certain Greeks who were
27457	at hand, and asked — " What he should pay them to eat
27458	the bodies of their fathers when they died ?" To which
27459	they answered, tliat there was no sum that would
27460	tempt them to do such a thing. He then sent for
27461	certain Indians, of the race called Callatians,* men who
27462	eat their fathers,^ and asked them, while the Greeks
27463	stood by, and knew by the help of an interpreter all
27464	that was said — " What he should give them to burn
27465	the bodies of their fathers at their decease ?" The
27466	Indians exclaimed aloud, and bade him forbear such
27467	language. Such is men's wont herein ; and Pindar
27468	was right, in my judgment, when he said, " Law is the
27469	king o'er all."®
27470	* This just remark of Herodotus is
27471	one of many tending to show how
27472	unprejudiced and sensible his opinions
27473	were ; and we may readilj^ absolve
27474	him from the folly of believing many
27475	of the strange stories he relates,
27476	against which indeed he guards him-
27477	self by saying he merely reports what
27478	he hears without giving credit to all
27479	himself, or expecting others to do so.
27480	— [G. W.]
27481	* Probably the same as the Calau-
27482	tians of ch. 97, and the Calatians of
27483	Hecat;vus (Fr. 177).
27484	* Vide infra, iii. 99, and compare
27485	the custom of the Issedonians, iv. 2G.
27486	Instances of this strange liarbarism
27487	have been collected by Fabricius (ad
27488	Sext. Empir. Ilypotyp. iii. 24).
27489	Marco Polo notes the practice as ex-
27490	isting in Stmiatra in his day. (See
27491	note' ' to ch. 99.)
27492	* This j)assage, which is not con-
27493	tained in the extant works of Pindar,
27494	is given more at length by Plato in
27495	the Gorgias (p. 484, B.). It ran
27496	thus : —
27497	v6ix.o<;, 6 TravTioi' ^acrcAevj
27498	OvaTOjv T€ /cat aOai'droiV,
27499	ayet SiKaiuif to ^tatOTaroi'
27500	VTrepTara x^P^'* TCKjuatpo/xat
27501	epYOto'Li' ' Hpa^Aeo?, eTrel ctTrptaras —
27502	The poet appears to be speaking of
27503	that law of fate or necessity which
27504	the Greeks believed to rule alike over
27505	gods and men. Herodotus, forgetful
27506	of the context, quotes the words of
27507	the poet in quite a different sense
27508	from that wliich they were intended
27509	to bear. (On the reading 8lkuiS)v
27510	TO (iunoraTov, couqiare Leg. iii. p.
27511	714 E.)
p. 435
27512	Chap. 39.
27513	POLYCKATES OF SAMOS.
27514	437
27515	39. While Cambyses was carrying on this war in
27516	Egypt, the Lacedaemonians Hkewise sent a force to
27517	Sainos against Polycrates, the son of ^aces, who had
27518	by insurrection made himself master of that island.^ At
27519	the outset he divided the state into three parts,^ and
27520	shared the kingdom with his brothers, Pantagnotiis
27521	and Syloson ; but later, having killed the former and
27522	banished the latter, who was the younger of the two,
27523	he held the whole island. Hereupon he made a con-
27524	tract of friendship with Amasis the Egyptian king,
27525	sending him gifts, and receiving from him others in
27526	return. In a little while his power so greatly in-
27527	creased, that the fame of it went abroad throughout
27528	Ionia and the rest of Greece.® Wherever he turned
27529	his arms, success waited on him. He had a fleet of a
27530	hundred penteconters, and bowmen to the number of a
27531	thousand;^" Herewith he plundered all, without dis-
27532	tinction of friend or foe ; for he argued that a friend
27533	w^as better pleased if you gave him back what you
27534	had taken from him, than if you spared him at the first.
27535	^ See below, ch. 120.
27536	8 Some writers have seen in this
27537	passage a division of the Samian
27538	people into three tribes (Panofka.
27539	Res Samioriim, p. 81 ; Eahr ad
27540	Herod, iii. 26), of wliich the names
27541	are thought to be preserved in Hero-
27542	dotus and the Etymologicum Magnum.
27543	The Etymologicum Magnum gives tlie
27544	tribes Astypala^a and Schesia, while
27545	Herod, (iii. 26) mentions the tribe
27546	^schrionia. But it is, at the least,
27547	doubtful whether anything more is !
27548	meant here than a division of power !
27549	among the brothers. i
27550	^ The great power and prosperity of ]
27551	Samos under Polycrates were cele-
27552	brated Iw the native historian Alexis,
27553	and by Clytus, the disciple of Aris-
27554	totle. The details which they furnish
27555	.show an enlightened ]iolicy. Poly-
27556	crates not only raised magnificent
27557	works (infra, ch. 60, note ^"), but en-
27558	riched Samos with the best products
27559	of other lands. He introduced there
27560	the Attic and Milesian breeds of sheep,
27561	the Scyrian and Naxian goats, the
27562	Sicilian pigs, and the Molossian and
27563	Laconian hounds (Alex. Fr. 2 ; Clyt.
27564	Fr. 2). He likewise attracted thither
27565	the best artisans from all quarters liy
27566	the offer of high wages. (See below
27567	concerning Deniocedes, ch. 131, which
27568	is an instance of this policy.) Among
27569	the measures whereby he attained the
27570	popularity which enabled him to make
27571	himself king, it is mentioned that he
27572	was in the habit of lending his rich
27573	hangings and valuable plate to any
27574	one who wanted it for a wedding-
27575	feast or other banquet of more than
27576	common importance (Alex. 1. s. c).
27577	'" These bowmen were Samians.
27578	Polycrates maintained also .a large
27579	body of foreign mercenaries. (Vide
27580	infra, iii. 45, where the iit'iKovpoi
27581	fiia-dcoTnl are contrasted with the ro^o-
27582	rai olKifioi.) On the difference be-
27583	tween triremes and penteconters see
27584	Book i. ch. 152, note '.
p. 436
27585	438
27586	POLYCRATES AND AMASIS.
27587	Book III.
27588	He captured many of the islands and several towns
27589	upon the mainland. Among his other doings he over-
27590	came the Lesbians in a sea-fight, when they came with
27591	all their forces to the help of Miletus, and made a number
27592	of them prisoners. These persons, laden with fetters,
27593	dug the moat which surrounds the caslte at Samos.^^
27594	40. The exceeding good fortune of Polycrates did
27595	not escape the notice of Amasis, who was much dis-
27596	turbed thereat. When therefore his successes continued
27597	increasing, Amasis wrote him the following letter, and
27598	sent it to Samos. " Amasis to Polycrates thus sayeth :
27599	It is a pleasure to hear of a friend and ally prospering,
27600	but thy exceeding prosperity does not cause me joy,
27601	for as much as I know that the gods are envious. My
27602	wish for myself, and for those whom I love, is, to be
27603	now successful, and now to meet with a check ; thus
27604	passing through life amid alternate good and ill, rather
27605	than with perpetual good fortune. For never yec did I
27606	hear tell of any one succeeding in all his undertakings,
27607	who did not meet with calamitv at last, and come to
27608	utter ruin. Now, therefore, give ear to my words, and
27609	meet thy good luck in this way. Bethink thee which
27610	of all thy treasures thou vainest most and canst least
27611	bear to part with ; take it, whatsoever it be, and throw
27612	it away, so that it may be sure never to come any
27613	more into the sight of man. Then, if thy good fortune
27614	be not thenceforth chequered with ill, save thyself from
27615	harm by again doing as I have counselled."
27616	41. When Polycrates read this letter, and perceived
27617	that the advice of Amasis was good, he considered care-
27618	fully with himself which of the treasures that he had in
27619	store it would grieve him most to lose. After much
27620	thought he made up his mind that it was a signet-ring
27621	which he was wont to wear, an emerald set in gold,^ the
27622	" The town Samos, not the island,
27623	is of course here meant. The islands
27624	of the Egean almost all derived tlieir
27625	name from their chief city.
27626	' Pliny and Solinus . say that the
27627	stone of Polycrates' ring was a sardo-
27628	nyx ; and the former that in his time
27629	one was shown in the Temple of Con-
p. 437
27630	Chap. 40-42. STORY OP THE RING AND THE FISH. 439
27631	workmanship of Theodore, son of Telecles, a Samian.^
27632	So he determined to throw this away ; and, manning a
27633	penteconter, he went on board, and bade the sailors put
27634	out into the open sea. When he was now a long way
27635	from the island, he took the ring from his finger, and,
27636	in the sight of all those who were on board, flung it
27637	into the deep. This done, he returned home, and gave
27638	vent to his sorrow.
27639	42. Now it happened five or six days afterwards that
27640	a fisherman caught a fisli so large and beautiful, that
27641	he thought it well deserved to be made a present of to
27642	the king.^ So he took it with him to the gate of the
27643	palace, and said that he wanted to see Polycrates.
27644	Then Polycrates allowed him to come in, and the fisher-
27645	man gave him the fish with these words following —
27646	" Sir king, when I took this prize, I thought I would
27647	not carry it to market, though I am a poor man who
27648	live by my trade. I said to myself, it is worthy of
27649	Polycrates and his greatness ; and so I brought it here
27650	to give it to you." The speech pleased the king, who
27651	thus spoke in reply : — "Thou didst right well, friend,
27652	and I am doubly indebted, both for the gift and for the
27653	speech. Come now, and sup with me." So the fisher-
27654	man went home, esteeming it a high honour that he
27655	cord at Rome, given by Augustus, (infra, iv. 88). He was also a jjatron
27656	which was "believed" to be his
27657	(Plin. xxxvii. 2, 4 ; xxxiii. 6). Cle-
27658	mens (Pa?dag. iii. p. 1247a) supposes
27659	that a lyre was engraved on it ; and
27660	Pausanias (viii. 14) says, " that fine
27661	emerald, the seal of Polycrates, was
27662	engraved by Theodorus." The story
27663	of the fisherman and the ring has
27664	been adopted by the Arabs with vari-
27665	ations.—[G. W.]
27666	* Concerning this artist, see above,
27667	Book i. ch. 51, note ®. The earlj'
27668	of the arts, as appears in the same
27669	passage. Rhoecus, a native artist,
27670	built the great temple of Juno at
27671	Samos (infra, ch. 60). That temple
27672	itself, with its beautiful ornaments
27673	(see iv. 152), and the other great
27674	Samian works mentioned below (iii.
27675	60), were among the most wonderful
27676	sights that our author had anywhere
27677	beheld. Aristotle compares the con-
27678	structions of Polycrates {epya IIoXv-
27679	Kpdreia) with the pyramids of Egypt,
27680	eminence of the Samians in the arts , and the magnificent erections of Pisis-
27681	is evidenced by many other facts
27682	recorded by Herodotus. Mandrocles,
27683	who constriTCted the bridge of boats
27684	across the Bosjihorus, was a Samian
27685	tratus (Poht. v. ix. 4).
27686	^ Compare with this the narrative
27687	in the Fourth Satire of Juvenal
27688	(34-69).
p. 438
27689	440 SAMIANS SENT TO EGYPT. Book III.
27690	had been asked to sup with the king. Meanwhile the
27691	servants, on cutting open the fish, found the signet of
27692	their master in its belly. No sooner did they see it
27693	than they seized upon it, and, hastening to Polycrates
27694	with great joy, restored it to him, and told him in what
27695	way it had been found. The king, who saw something
27696	providential in the matter, forthwith wrote a letter to
27697	Amasis, telling him all that had happened, what he
27698	had himself done, and what had been the upshot —
27699	and despatched the letter to Egypt.
27700	43. When Amasis had read the letter of Polycrates,
27701	he perceived that it does not belong to man to save his
27702	fellow-man from the fate which is in store for bim ;
27703	likewise he felt certain that Polycrates would end ill, as
27704	he prospered in everything, even finding what he had
27705	tlirown away. So he sent a herald to Samos, and dis-
27706	solved the contract of friendship.* This he did, that
27707	when the great and heavy misfortune came, he might
27708	escape the grief which he would have felt if the suf-
27709	ferer had been his bond-friend.
27710	44. It was with this Polycrates, so fortunate in every
27711	undertaking, that the Lacedsemonians now went to war
27712	Certain Samians, the same who afterwards founded the
27713	city of Cydonia in Crete,^ had earnestly intreated their
27714	help. For Polycrates, at the time when Cambyses, son
27715	of Cyrus, was gathering together an armament against
27716	Egypt, had sent to beg him not to omit to ask aid from
27717	Samos ; whereupon Cambyses with much readiness de-
27718	spatched a messenger to the island, and made request
27719	that Polycrates would give some ships to the naval
27720	force which he was collecting against Egypt. Poly-
27721	crates straightway picked out from among the citizens
27722	such as he thought most likely to stir revolt against
27723	* Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol. \| suitable to his policy to cultivate the
27724	iv. p. 323) suspects, with reason, that i alliance of Cambyses." (Vide infra,
27725	" it was Polycrates who, with cha- ' iii. 44.)
27726	ractcristic faithlessness, broke off his i ^ Infra, eh. 59.
27727	friendship with Amasis, finding it I
p. 439
27728	Chap. 43-45. REVOLT OF THE SAMIANS, 441
27729	him, and manned with them forty triremes,® which he
27730	sent to Cambyses, bidding him keep the men safe, and
27731	never allow them to return home.
27732	45. Now some accounts say that these Samians did
27733	not reach Egypt ; for that when they were off Car-
27734	jDathus,' they took counsel together and resolved to sail
27735	no further. But others maintain that they did go to
27736	Egypt, and, finding themselves watched, deserted, and
27737	sailed back to Samos. There Poly crates went out
27738	against them with his fleet, and a battle was fought
27739	and gained by the exiles ; after which they disem-
27740	barked ujDon the island and engaged the land forces of
27741	Polycrates, but were defeated, and so sailed off to Lace-
27742	dsemon. Some relate that the Samians from Egypt
27743	overcame Polycrates, but it seems to me untruly ; for
27744	had the Samians been strong enough to conquer Poly-
27745	crates by themselves, they would not have needed to
27746	call in the aid of the Lacedcemonians. And moreover,
27747	it is not likely that a king who had in his pay so large
27748	a body of foreign mercenaries, and maintained like-
27749	wise such a force of native bowmen, would have been
27750	worsted by an army so small as that of the returned
27751	Samians. As for his own subjects, to hinder them
27752	from betraying him and joining the exiles, Polycrates
27753	shut up their wives and children in the sheds built to
27754	* The naval force of Polycrates was
27755	said (supra, ch. 39) to have consisted
27756	of penteconters, that is, vessels pro-
27757	pelled by fifty rowers sitting on a
27758	level, as in modern row-boats. His
27759	ships are now called triremes, or ves-
27760	sels having three banks of oars, and
27761	tln-ee tiers of rowers. Both state-
27762	ments cannot be true. I conceive the
27763	former to be the more correct. For
27764	although Ameinocles the Corinthian
27765	had made the Samians acquainted
27766	wdth the trireme as early as B.C. 700,
27767	as we learn frum Tlnicydides (i. 13),
27768	to the testimony of the same author,
27769	to be almost entirely comjiosed of
27770	penteconters. The navy of Polycrates
27771	is expressly mentioned among those
27772	of which it is said — (paiuerai, rpLrjpecri
27773	fiev 6X iy a I s x^pa>p.iva, TrevT-qKovri-
27774	pois be Koi TrXoiois p-OKpols e^rjprv-
27775	fxiva (Thucyd. i. 14). Polycrates
27776	probalily had a fleet of a hundred ves-
27777	sels, some few of which — certainly not
27778	forty — were triremes, the rest chiefly
27779	penteconters.
27780	' Carpatlurs, the modern Scarpauto,
27781	half-waj' between Pihodes and Crete,
27782	yet the Ionian navies continued till would lie directly in the passage from
27783	after the time of Polycrates, according Samos to Egypt.
p. 440
27784	442
27785	THE SA^IIAXS AT SPARTA.
27786	Book III.
27787	shelter his ships/ and was ready to burn sheds and all
27788	in case of need.
27789	46. When the banished Samians reached Sparta,
27790	they had audience of the magistrates, before whom they
27791	made a long speech, as was natural with persons greatly
27792	in want of aid. Accordingly at this first sitting the
27793	Spartans answered them, that they had forgotten the
27794	first half of their speech, and could make nothing of
27795	the remainder. Afterwards the Samians had another
27796	audience, whereat they simply said, showing a bag
27797	which they had brought with them, " The bag wants
27798	flour." The Spartans answered that they did not need
27799	to have said " the bag ;"^ however, they resolved to give
27800	them aid.
27801	47. Then the Lacedsemonians made ready and set
27802	forth to the attack of Samos, from a motive of grati-
27803	tude, if we may believe the Samians, because the
27804	Samians had once sent ships to their aid against the
27805	Messenians/" but as the Spartans themselves say, not
27806	so much from any wish to assist the Samians who
27807	begged their help, as from a desire to punish the people
27808	who had seized the bowl which they sent to Croesus,^
27809	and the corselet which Amasis, king of Egypt, sent as
27810	a present to them. The Samians made prize of this
27811	corselet the year before they took the bowl — it was of
27812	linen, and had a vast number of figures of animals in-
27813	woven into its fabric, and was likewise embroidered
27814	with gold and tree-wool.^ What is most worthy of
27815	^ Beloe calls these dry-docks or
27816	ship-sheds (veacroiKoi) " harbours,"
27817	and iufonns us that Polycrates in-
27818	tended to burn the women and chil-
27819	dren, "and the harhours alo7ig with
27820	tliem" if a revolt broke out !
27821	^ Tw 6v\aK(c is the ivord bag, not
27822	the bag itself, as Mr. Grote (vol. iii.
27823	p. 325) explains it. (Cf. Schweig-
27824	hffiuser's Lat. version, and Bahr ad
27825	loc.)
27826	'" Probably in the second Messenian
27827	war, which took place after Amei-
27828	nocles had made triremes for the Sa-
27829	mians ; lasting from B.C. 685 to B.C.
27830	668, according to Pausanias (iv, 15-
27831	23).
27832	^ Vide supra, i. 70.
27833	^ This is the name by wliich Hero-
27834	dotus designates "cotton," as is plain
27835	from ch. 106 of this Book, and from
27836	Book vii. ch. 65. Concerning the
27837	cotton manufactures of Egypt, vide
27838	supra. Book ii. ch. 86, note ".
p. 441
27839	Chap. 46-48.
27840	THE CORCTR/EAN BOYS.
27841	443
27842	admiration in it is, that each of the twists, although
27843	of fine texture, contains within it three hundred and
27844	sixty threads, all of them clearly visible. The corselet
27845	which Amasis gave to the temple of Minerva in Lindus
27846	is just such another.^
27847	48. The Corinthians likewise right willingly lent a
27848	helping hand towards the expedition against Samos ;
27849	for a generation earlier, about the time of the seizure
27850	of the wine-bowl,* they too had suffered insult at the
27851	hands of the Samians. It happened that Periander, son
27852	of Cypselus, had taken three hundred boys, children of
27853	the chief nobles among the Corcyrasans, and sent them
27854	to Alyattes for eunuchs ; the men who had them in
27855	charge touched at Samos on their way to Sardis ; where-
27856	upon the Samians, having found out what was to be-
27857	come of the boys when they reached that city, first
27858	prompted' them to take sanctuary at the temple of
27859	Diana ; and after this, when the Corinthians, as they
27860	were forbidden to tear the suppliants from the holv
27861	place, sought to cut off from them all supplies of food,^
27862	^ Vide supra, ii. 182.
27863	■* This passage involves chronolo-
27864	gical difficulties of no ordinary cha-
27865	racter. As the expedition of the
27866	Spartans belongs (at the earliest) to
27867	the year B.C. 525, the rescue of the
27868	300 boys, being a generation (30 years)
27869	earlier, should bear date b.c. 555, and
27870	this is about the time of the taking
27871	of the wine-bowl. But, 1. Alyattes
27872	had been many years (12 probably,
27873	5 at any rate) dead then ; and, 2.
27874	Periander, according to all the chro-
27875	nologists (Sosicrates, Diog. Laertius,
27876	Eusebius, Syncellus, &c.), had been
27877	dead a still longer time (30 years).
27878	Two considerations will in some de-
27879	gree lessen the.se difficulties. First,
27880	Herodotus must be regarded as speak-
27881	ing loosely. He cannot mean that the
27882	rescue of the boys and the capture of
27883	the bowl exactly synchronised, for the
27884	boys were sent to Alyattes, the bowl
27885	to Croesus near the close of his reign,
27886	14 j-ears after the death of his father.
27887	Thus these two events were at least
27888	VOL. ir.
27889	14 years apart. The same looseness
27890	of expression may extend to the phrase
27891	" a generation earlier," which niay
27892	mean 40 or 45 years before. Secondly,
27893	the chronologers are not to be depended
27894	on. They may all resolve themselves
27895	into the single not very trustworthy
27896	authority of Sosicrates ; and there are
27897	many reasons (see Larcher's Notes on
27898	Herod, iii. 48) for thinking that Pe-
27899	riander lived later than the date
27900	assigned to him. I should be inclined
27901	to place the single authority of Hero-
27902	dotus above that of all the professed
27903	chronologers ; and on the strength of
27904	this passage and another (v. 94), I
27905	should think it probable that Perian-
27906	der's reign came down at least as low
27907	as B.C. 567.
27908	* Compare the similar cases of
27909	Cylon and his adherents (Thucyd. i.
27910	126), and of Pausanias (ib. i. 134).
27911	See also the Hercules Furens of Euri-
27912	pides (1. 52) :
27913	vavTiav &i xpiloi rd<TS' eSpa^ <f>v\d<7<T0iJ.eu
27914	<mUiV^ TTO-tUI', k(T&ri70^
p. 442
27915	444 PROCLES OP EPIDAURUS. Book III.
27916	invented a festival in their behoof, which they celebrate
27917	to this day with the self-same rites. Each evening, as
27918	night closed in, during the whole time that the boys
27919	continued there, choirs of youths and virgins were
27920	placed about the temple, carrying in their hands cakes
27921	made of sesame and honey, in order that the Corcyrsean
27922	boys might snatch the cakes, and so get enough to
27923	live upon.
27924	49. And this went on for so long, that at last the
27925	Corinthians who had charge of the boys gave them up,
27926	and took their departure, upon which the Samians con-
27927	veyed them back to Corey ra.^* If, now, after the death
27928	of Periander, the Corinthians and Corcyraeans had been
27929	good friends, it is not . to be imagined that the former
27930	would ever have taken part in the expedition against
27931	Samos for sucb a reason as this ; but as, in fact, the
27932	two people have always, ever since the first settle-
27933	ment of the island, been enemies to one another,^ this
27934	outrage was remembered, and the Corcyrseans bore the
27935	Sam-ians a grudge for it. Periander had chosen the
27936	youths from among the first families in Corcyra, and
27937	sent them a present to Alyattes, to revenge a wrong
27938	whicli lie had received. For it was the Corcyraeans
27939	who began the quarrel and injured Periander by an
27940	outrage of a horrid nature.
27941	50. After Periander had put to death his wife Me-
27942	lissa, it chanced that on this first affliction a second
27943	followed of a different kind. His wife had borne him
27944	two sons, and one of them had now reached the age of
27945	seventeen, the other of eighteen years, when their
27946	** The Pseudo-Plutarch declares this
27947	to be untrue. According to him the
27948	Samians wished to preserve the hoj's,
27949	hut could not have succeeded unless
27950	the Cnidians had come to their assist-
27951	ance. The Cnidians, he says, drove
27952	oil' the Corinthian guard, rescued the
27953	boys, and toolv them hack to Corcyra.
27954	He quotes Autenor and Dionysius
27955	the Chalcidian as his authorities (Plut.
27956	ii. p, 859 E), Pliny also gives the
27957	same account (H. N. ix. 25).
27958	* See Thucyd. i. 25, where some
27959	reasons for the enmity are given.
27960	Corcyra never treated Corinth with
27961	the respect due (according to Greek
27962	ideas) from a colony to the parent
27963	state.
p. 443
27964	Chap. 49-51. PERIANDER'S TREATMENT OF HIS SON. 445
27965	mother's father, Procles, tyrant of Epidanrus,'' asked
27966	them to his court. They went, and Procles treated
27967	them with much kindness, as was natural, considering
27968	they were his own daughter's children. At length,
27969	when the time for parting came, Procles, as he was
27970	sending them on their way, said, " Know you now, my
27971	children, who it was that caused your mother's death ?"
27972	The elder son took no account of this speech, but the
27973	younger, whose name was Lycophron,''* was sorely
27974	troubled at it — so much so, that when he got back to
27975	Corinth, looking upon his father as his mother's mur-
27976	derer, he would neither speak to him, nor answer when
27977	spoken to, nor utter a word in reply to all his question-
27978	ings. So Periander at last growing furious at such
27979	behaviour, banished him from his house.
27980	51. The younger son gone, he turned to the elder
27981	and asked him, " what it was that their grandfather had
27982	said to them ?" Then he related in how kind and
27983	friendly a fashion he had received them ; but, not
27984	having taken any notice of the speech which Procles had
27985	uttered at parting, he quite forgot to mention it. Peri-
27986	ander insisted that it was not possible this should be
27987	all — their grandfather must have given them some hint
27988	or other — and he went on pressing him, till at last the
27989	lad remembered the parting speech and told it. Peri-
27990	ander, after he had turned the whole matter over in his
27991	thoughts, and felt unwilling to give way at all, sent a
27992	' According to Heraclides Ponticus, j time (Pausan. 11. xxviii. 4).
27993	a pupil of Plato's (ap. Diog. Laert. i. ^^ Nicolaus Damascenus made tlie
27994	94), the name of Periauder's wife was , name of this prince, Nicolaiis, in other
27995	Lyside. She was daughter of Procles
27996	and Eristheneia. Pythasnetus, how-
27997	ever, called her Melissa, and related
27998	that Periander fell in love with her
27999	from seeing her in the simple Dorian
28000	dress dispensing wine to her father's
28001	labourers (Fr. 6). Eristheneia was
28002	daughter of Aristocrates II., king of
28003	Arcadia. The tomb of Melissa too was
28004	shown at Epidanrus in Pausanias's
28005	respects following the story of Hero-
28006	dotus. Lycoi^hron, according to him,
28007	was a different son of Periander, who
28008	was put to death in consequence of
28009	his tyranny over the Perioeci. He
28010	also gave Periander two other sons,
28011	Evagoras and Gorgus (Fr. 60). This
28012	last is clearly the Gordias of Aristotle
28013	(Pol. V. 9, p. 193).
28014	2 H 2
p. 444
28015	446
28016	THE PROCLAMATION OF OUTLAWRY.
28017	Rook III.
28018	messenger to the persons who had opened their houses
28019	to his outcast son, and forbade them to harbour him.
28020	Then the boy, when he was chased from one friend,
28021	sought refuge with another, but was driven from shelter
28022	to shelter by the threats of his father, who menaced all
28023	those that took him in, and commanded them to shut
28024	their doors against him. Still, as fast as he was forced
28025	to leave one house he went to another, and was re-
28026	ceived by the inmates ; for his acquaintance, although
28027	in no small alarm, yet gave him shelter, as he was
28028	Periander's son.
28029	52. At last Periander made proclamation that who-
28030	ever harboured his son or even spoke to him,^ should
28031	forfeit a certain sum of money to Apollo. On hearing
28032	this no one any longer liked to take him in, or even to
28033	hold converse with him, and he himself did not think
28034	it right to seek to do what was forbidden ; so, abiding
28035	by his resolve, he made his lodging in the public por-
28036	ticos. When four days had passed in this way, Peri-
28037	ander, seeing how wretched his son was, that he neither
28038	washed nor took any food, felt moved with compassion
28039	towards him ; wherefore, foregoing his anger, he ap-
28040	proached him, and said, " Which is better, oh ! my son,
28041	to fare as now thou farest, or to receive my crown and
28042	all the good things that I possess, on the one condition
28043	of submitting thyself to thy father ? See, now, though
28044	my own child, and lord of this wealthy Corinth, thou
28045	hast brought thyself to a beggar's life, because thou
28046	must resist and treat with anger him whom it least be-
28047	hoves thee to oppose. If there has been a calamity,
28048	and thou bearest me ill will on that account, bethink
28049	^ Compare the proclamation which
28050	Sophocles puts ill the mouth of
28051	CEdipus (Tyrann. 236) :
28052	Tbr OLvSp' airavSui tovtov, otrris 60"ti, yi;?
28053	TTJo-S,' ^s eyia Kparr) re Kal Opovov; refioj,
28054	/lii)t' ei(rSexeo"9at, [t-rjTe n po(r<f>uueiv
28055	Ttva,
28056	fiiJT ev BeuiV evxaitri k. t. A. —
28057	uBelv S' an otKio;' Travras, k. t. A.
28058	There is a close resemblance in the
28059	thought, but no such similarity of
28060	expression as to indicate plagiarism
28061	on either side. See, however, the
28062	arguments of Dr. Donaldson (Trans-
28063	actions of London Philolog. Soc. i.
28064	p. 164.)
p. 445
28065	Chap. 52, 53. THE EECALL OF LYCOPHEON". 447
28066	thee that I too feel it, and am the greatest sufferer,
28067	in as much as it Avas by me that the deed was done.
28068	For thyself, now that thou knowest how much better a
28069	thing it is to be envied than pitied, and how dangerous
28070	it is to indulge anger against parents and superiors,
28071	come back with me to thy home." With such M^ords
28072	as these did Periander chide his son ; but the son made
28073	no reply except to remind his father that he was in-
28074	debted to the god in the penalty for coming and holding
28075	converse with him. Then Periander knew that there
28076	was no cure for the youth's malady, nor means of over-
28077	coming it ; so he prepared a ship and sent him away out
28078	of his sight to Corcyra, which island at that time be-
28079	longed to him. As for Procles, Periander, regarding
28080	him as the true author of all his present troubles, went
28081	to war with him as soon as his son was gone, and not
28082	only made himself master of his kingdom Epidaurus,
28083	but also took Procles himself, and carried him into
28084	captivity.
28085	53. As time went on, and Periander came to be
28086	old, he found himself no longer equal to the oversight
28087	and management of affairs. Seeing, therefore, in his
28088	eldest son no manner of ability, but knowing him to
28089	be dull and blockish, he sent to Corcyra and recalled
28090	Lycoj)hron to take the kingdom. Lycophron, however,
28091	did not even deign to ask the bearer of this message
28092	a question. But Periander's heart was set upon the
28093	youth, so he sent again to him, this time by his own
28094	daughter, the sister of Lycophron, who would, he
28095	thought, have more power to persuade him than any
28096	other person. Then she, when she reached Corcyra,
28097	spoke thus with her brother : — " Dost thou wish the king-
28098	dom, brother, to pass into strange hands, and our father's
28099	wealth to be made a prey, rather than thyself return to
28100	enjoy it ? Come back home with me, and cease to
28101	punish thyself. It is scant gain, this obstinacy. Why
28102	seek to cure evil by evil ? Mercy, remember, is by
p. 446
28103	448
28104	FATE OF LYCOPHRON.
28105	Book III.
28106	many set above justice. Many, also, while pushing
28107	their mother's claims have forfeited their father's for-
28108	tune. Power is a slippery thing — it has many suitors ;
28109	and he is old and stricken in years — let not thy own in-
28110	heritance go to another." Thus did the sister, who had
28111	been tutored by Periander what to say, urge all the
28112	o i
p. 447
28113	Chap. 54, 55. SIEGE OF SAMOS BY THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 449
28114	arguments most likely to have weight with her hrother.
28115	He however made answer, " That so long as he knew
28116	his father to be still alive, he would never go back to
28117	Corinth." When the sister brought Periander this
28118	reply, he sent to his son a third time by a herald, and
28119	said he would come himself to Corcyra, and let his son
28120	take his place at Corinth as heir to his kingdom. To
28121	these terms Lycophron agreed ; and Periander was
28122	making ready to pass into Corcyra and his son to return
28123	to Corinth, when the Corcyrseans, being informed of
28124	what was taking place, to keep Periander away, put
28125	the young man to death.^ For this reason it was that
28126	Periander took vengeance on the Corcyraeans.
28127	54. The Lacedsemonians arrived before Samos with
28128	a mighty armament, and forthwith laid siege to the
28129	place. In one of the assaults upon the walls, they
28130	forced their way to the toj) of the tower which stands
28131	by the sea on the side where the suburb is, but Pert=-
28132	ander came in person to the rescue with a strong force,
28133	and beat them back. Meanwhile at the upper tower,
28134	which stood on the ridge of the hill,^ the besieged, both
28135	mercenaries and Samians, made a sally ; but after they
28136	had withstood the Lacedcemonians a short time, they
28137	fled backwards, and the Lacedaemonians, pressing upon
28138	them, slew numbers.
28139	55. If now all who were present had behaved that
28140	day like Archias and Lycopas, two of the Lacedaemo-
28141	nians, Samos might have been taken. For these two
28142	® The Scholiast on Thucyd. i. 13, ^ ' The town of Samos was situated
28143	states that the naval battle there mainly to the south of a long hog-
28144	spoken of as the earliest upon record,
28145	took place in a war between Corinth
28146	and Corcyra arising out of this murder.
28147	backed hill called Ampelus. (Strab.
28148	X. p. 713.) The fortifications ex-
28149	tended to the top of this hill, which
28150	And Bouhier (Dissert, xv. p. 167), to is more than 700 feet above the sea
28151	make this possible, proposes to read > level, and were then carried along its
28152	i^r)Kovra Koi tKarov for i^rjKovra /cat ; northern edge. (See the Plan ojipo-
28153	diuKoa-ia in the passage of Thucydides. 1 site.) The wall had towers through-
28154	But there seem to be no sufficient ^ out its whole extent. The tower
28155	grounds for this alteration. Cf. B'tihr intended by Herodotus is probably
28156	ad loc, and Larcher's Notes, vol. iii. '. one of those at the western extremity
28157	p. 307. I of Ampelus.
p. 448
28158	450
28159	THE SIEGE RAISED.
28160	Book III.
28161	heroes, following hard upon the flying Samians, entered
28162	the city along with them, and, being all alone, and their
28163	retreat cut off, were slain within the walls of the place.
28164	I myself once fell in with the grandson of this Archias,
28165	a man named Archias like his grandsire, and the son of
28166	Samius, whom I met at Pitana,^ to which canton he
28167	belonged. He respected the Samians beyond all other
28168	foreigners, and he told me that his father was called
28169	Samius, because his grandfather Archias died in Samos
28170	so gloriously, and that the reason why he respected the
28171	Samians so greatly was, that his grandsire was buried
28172	with public honours by the Samian people.
28173	56. The Lacedaemonians besieged Samos during forty
28174	days, but not making any progress before the place,
28175	they raised the siege at the end of that time, and re-
28176	turned home to the Peloponnese. There is a silly tale
28177	told, that Polycrates struck a quantity of the coin of his
28178	counlry in lead, and, coating it with gold, gave it to
28179	the Lacedasmonians, who on receiving it took their
28180	departure.^
28181	* Pitana, which is placed by Pau-
28182	sanias (lit. xvi. 6) on a par with
28183	Mesoa, Cynosura, and Limnje, all
28184	portions of Sparta, seems to have been
28185	one of those villages which, according
28186	to Thucydides (i. 10), made up the
28187	town. Its exact position can perhaps
28188	scarcel}' be determined. See, how-
28189	ever. Col. Leake's Morea, vol. i. p.
28190	176. That Heyse (Qua3st. Herodot.
28191	i. p. 89) should suppose the ^olic
28192	Pitana (v. s. i. 149) to be here intended,
28193	is most extraordinary.
28194	^ This tale may have been false,
28195	yet it is not without its value. It
28196	shows the general opinion of the
28197	corruptibilitjr of the Spartans. The
28198	peculiar attractions possessed by the
28199	vetltum nefas may account for the
28200	greater openness of the Spartans to
28201	bribery than the other Greeks. Traces
28202	of this national characteristic appear
28203	in other parts of Herodotus's history ;
28204	for instance, in the story of Majandrius
28205	(iii. 148), in that of Cleomenes (v. 51)
28206	and in that of Leotychidas ( vi. 72). It
28207	becomes more marked in Thucydides,
28208	where we find that Plistoanax was
28209	banished for receiving bribes from
28210	Pericles (v. 16) ; that Pausanias made
28211	sure that he would be able to obtain
28212	an acquittal by bribing his judges (i.
28213	131) ; and that all the commanders
28214	on the Spartan side took bribes from
28215	Tissaphernes, except Hermocrates of
28216	Syracuse (viii. 45). Other writers add
28217	similar traits — as Plutarch (Lysand.
28218	c. 16), who tells us that Gylippus was
28219	accused of embezzlement, and Aris-
28220	totle (Polit. II. vi.), who mentions
28221	that certain E^jhors in his own time,
28222	in return for a bribe, were willing to
28223	have ruined the city. Finally, it
28224	seems to have been generally recog-
28225	nised throngh Greece that avarice and
28226	corruptibility were among the chief
28227	failings of the Spartan character. (See
28228	Plat. Ale. i. p. 122; Aristoph. Pax,
28229	600-625 ; Aristot. Pol. ii. vi.)
p. 449
28230	Chap. 56, 57. THE SAMIAN EXILES AT SIPHNOS.
28231	451
28232	This was the first expedition into Asia of the Lace-
28233	daemonian Dorians.*
28234	57. The Samians who had fought against Poly crates,
28235	when they knew that the Lacedsemonians were about
28236	to forsake them, left Samos themselves, and sailed to
28237	Siphnos.^ They happened to be in want of money ;
28238	and the Siphnians at that time were at the height of
28239	their greatness, no islanders having so much wealth
28240	as they. There were mines of gold and silver in
28241	their country, and of so rich a yield, that from a tithe
28242	of the ores the Siphnians furnished out a treasury at
28243	Delphi which was on a par with the grandest there. ^
28244	What the mines yielded was divided year by year
28245	among the citizens. At the time when they formed
28246	the treasury, the Siphnians consulted the oracle, and
28247	asked whether their good things would remain to them
28248	many years. The Pythoness made answer as follows : —
28249	" When the Prytanies' seat shines white' in the island of Siphnos,
28250	White-hrovved all the forum — need then of a true seer's wisdom —
28251	Danger will threat from a wooden host, and a herald in scarlet."
28252	■* These words are emphatic. They
28253	mark the place which this expedition
28254	occupies in the mind of Herodotus.
28255	It is an aggression of the Greeks upon
28256	Asia, and therefore a passage in the
28257	history of the great quarrel hetween
28258	Persia and Greece, for all Asia is the
28259	King's (i. 4). Indeed, it is probahle
28260	that Polycrates, though really inde-
28261	pendent, was in nominal subjection
28262	to Persia. This is implied both in
28263	the statement (i. 169), that " the
28264	Jonians of the islands gave them-
28265	selves up to Cyrus," and in the
28266	request of Polycrates (iii. 44) that
28267	Cambyses " would not omit to ask
28268	aid from Samos." Cambyses was only
28269	collecting trooj^s from his subjects.
28270	* Siphnos (the modern Si/anto') is
28271	one of the western Cyclades. It is
28272	situated in the 37tli parallel of lati-
28273	tude, a little south of the direct course
28274	from Samos to Hermione. Lead was
28275	still abundant in the island in the
28276	timeof Tourncfort (Voyage du Levant,
28277	torn. i. p. 174), but the gold and silver
28278	mines had failed before the time of
28279	Pausanias (x. xi. § 2). Eoss found
28280	traces of copper and iron about the
28281	galleries leading to the old mines
28282	which are in the neighbourhood of
28283	the chapel of St. Sostis (Inselreise,
28284	vol. i. p. 141). He also noticed a hard
28285	lead-like metal — " ein schweres blei-
28286	ahnliches metall " (ib. 140). Bochart
28287	derives the name Siphnos from the
28288	Hebrew jQV, " recondere, thesauri-
28289	zare" (Phaleg. i. xiv. p. 413). He
28290	considers that the first settlers were
28291	Phcenicians.
28292	^ Pausanias, in the second century
28293	A. c, saw this treasury (1. s. c). He
28294	relates that the mines were submerged
28295	because the Siphnians, from avarice,
28296	ceased to paj' the tithe of the ores to
28297	Delphi. The same account is given
28298	by Suidas (v. 2i0viot). Poss thinks
28299	the fact of the submersion highly pro-
28300	bable (vol. i. p. 141).
28301	^ The mention of whiteness here,
28302	and the expression " ^Aen," show that
28303	the attack was to be made before
p. 450
28304	452
28305	DEFEAT OF THE SIPHNIANS.
28306	Book III.
28307	Now about this time the forum of the Siphnians and
28308	their town-hall or prytaneum had been adorned with
28309	Parian marble.^
28310	58. The Siphnians, however, were unable to under-
28311	stand the oracle, either at the time when it was given,
28312	or afterwards on the arrival of the Samians. For these
28313	last no sooner came to anchor oif the island than they
28314	sent one of their vessels, with an ambassage on board,
28315	to the city. All ships in these early times were painted
28316	with vermilion;^ and this was what the Pythoness
28317	had meant when she told them to beware of danger
28318	" from a wooden host, and a herald in scarlet." So the
28319	ambassadors came ashore and besought the Siphnians
28320	to lend them ten talents, but the Siphnians refused,
28321	whereupon the Samians began to j)hnider their lands.
28322	Tidings of this reached the Siphnians, who straightway
28323	sallied forth to save their crops ; then a battle was
28324	fought, in which the Siphnians suffered defeat, and
28325	many of their number were cut off from the city by the
28326	Samians, after which these latter forced the Siphnians
28327	to give them a hundred talents.
28328	59. With this money they bought of the Hermioni-
28329	the Siphnians had had time to colour
28330	their buildings. In Herodotus's time
28331	they were evidently painted, but
28332	" then " they had merely the natural
28333	hue of the white marble. The Greek
28334	custom of painting their monuments
28335	was common from the earliest to the
28336	latest times, and traces of colour are
28337	found on the Parthenon and other
28338	buildings. At first they were covered
28339	Avith painted stucco ; and when marble
28340	took its place it received the same
28341	coloured ornaments for which it was
28342	as well suited as its less durable pre-
28343	decessor.— [G. W.]
28344	® This is the first known instance
28345	of the use of Parian marble in orna-
28346	mental building. It was later, though
28347	perhaps not by many years, that the
28348	Alcmseonidje, having undertaken the
28349	contract for rebuilding the temple of
28350	Delphi, faced the whole with Parian
28351	marble instead of common stone (vide
28352	infra, v. 62). The vicinity of Paros
28353	to Siphnos (about 20 miles) may
28354	account for its earlier use there than
28355	elsewhere.
28356	* Yet Homer almost invariably
28357	speaks of "black ships" (i/^e? yue-
28358	Xatj/ai). Perhaps, however, there is
28359	no contradiction here. For Homer's
28360	ships are (f)oiviKOTrdpr]oi (Od. xi. 124,
28361	xxiii. 272) or fiikTonapijoi (II. ii. 637,
28362	Od. ix. 125), " crimson-cheeked," or
28363	" vermiliott-cheeked" It would seem
28364	that while the hull of the vessel was
28365	in the main black, being probably
28366	covered with pitch or some similar
28367	substance, the sides above the water,
28368	which Homer called the " cheeks " of
28369	the ship, were red. Herodotus may
28370	not mean more than this.
p. 451
28371	Chap. 58, 59.
28372	PURCHASE OF HYDREA.
28373	453
28374	aus the island of Hydrea/ off the coast of the Pelopon-
28375	nese, and this they gave in trust to the Troezenians,^ to
28376	keep for them, while they themselves went on to Crete,
28377	and founded the city of Cydonia. They had not meant,
28378	when they sat sail, to settle there, but only to drive out
28379	the Zacynthians from the island. However they rested
28380	at Cydonia,^ where they flourished greatly for five years.
28381	It was they who built the various temples that may
28382	still be seen at that ]3lace, and among them the fane of
28383	Dictyna/ But in the sixth year they were attacked by
28384	the Eginetans, who beat them in a sea-fight, and, with
28385	the help of the Cretans, reduced them all to slavery.
28386	The beaks of their ships, which carried the figure of a
28387	wild boar, they sawed off and laid them up in the
28388	temple of Minerva in Egina. The Eginetans took part
28389	against the Samians on account of an ancient grudge,
28390	since the Samians had first, when Amphicrates was
28391	king of Samos,^ made war on them and done great harm
28392	' Hydrea retains its name almost
28393	unchanged in the modern " Hydra,"
28394	an island about twelve miles long, and
28395	only two or three broad, off the coast
28396	of the Argolic peninsula. As it is bare
28397	and produces nothing, it could only
28398	be of value to a nautical people. At
28399	present its inhabitants, the Hydriots,
28400	are accounted the best sailors in the
28401	Levant.
28402	^ Troezen and Hermione, though
28403	contained within the district com-
28404	monly called Argolis, yet appear
28405	always as independent states. Trcezen
28406	is mentioned among the confederated
28407	Greeks at Artemisium (Herod, viii. 1),
28408	and again at Salamis, where Hermione
28409	likewise appears (ib. 43). Both occur
28410	among the allies of the Corinthians
28411	in their war with Corcyra, B.C. 436
28412	(Thucyd. i. 27) ; and both seem,
28413	although not expressly named, to
28414	have been allies of Sparta in the
28415	Peloponnesian war. Hence the ra-
28416	vaging of their territory by Pericles in
28417	the second year (ib. ii. 56). Hermione
28418	is probably the modem " Kastri."
28419	(See Col. Leake's Morea, vol. ii. p.
28420	461.) The ruins of Trcezen are near
28421	Dhamald, opposite Calauria (ibid. p.
28422	446).
28423	^ Cydonia lay on the northern coast
28424	of Crete, towards the western end of
28425	the island (long. 24° East). The
28426	modern town of Khania is near the
28427	site.
28428	* Dictyna, or Dictynna, was the
28429	same as Britomartis, an ancient god-
28430	dess of the Cretans. The Greeks
28431	usually regarded her as identical with
28432	their Artemis (Diana). See Callimach.
28433	Hymn, ad Dian. 190 ; Diod. Sic. v, 76 ;
28434	Pausanias, ii. xxx. ; Solinus. Polyhist.
28435	xi. p. 21, &c. Britomartis is said to
28436	have meant " dulcis virgo" (Solin.
28437	1. s. c). No satisfactory account has
28438	been given of the name Dictynna.
28439	* It is impossible to fix the date of
28440	the reign of Amphicrates. Panofka
28441	(Sara, Res, p. 26) supposes that it
28442	could scarcely be earlier than the
28443	25th Olympiad, b.c. 670.
p. 452
28444	454
28445	SAMIAN WORKS.
28446	Book III.
28447	to their island, suffering, however, much damage also
28448	themselves. Such was the reason which moved the
28449	Eginetans to make this attack.®
28450	60. I have dwelt the longer on the affairs of the
28451	Samians, because three of the greatest works in all
28452	Greece were made by them. One is a tunnel, under a
28453	hill one hundred and fifty fathoms high, carried entirely
28454	through the base of the hill, with a mouth at either
28455	end.'^ The length of the cutting is seven furlongs — the
28456	height and width are each eight feet. Along the whole
28457	course there is a second cutting, twenty cubits deep
28458	and three feet broad, whereby water is brought, through
28459	pipes, from an abundant source into the city. The
28460	architect of this tunnel was Eupalinus, son of Naustro-
28461	phus, a Megarian. Such is the first of their great
28462	works : the second is a mole in the sea, which goes all
28463	round the harbour, near twenty fathoms deep, and in
28464	length above two furlongs. The third is a temple ;
28465	the largest of all the temples kno\^Ti to us,^ whereof
28466	Rhoecus,^ son of Phileus, a Samian, was first architect.
28467	^ If we may believe Strabo (viii.
28468	p. 545), the Eginetans themselres
28469	colonised Cydonia, so that their attack
28470	would seem to have been caused by
28471	commercial jealousy.
28472	^ One of the mouths of this tunnel,
28473	that to the N.W. of the present harbour,
28474	liad been already discovered, but it re-
28475	mained little kno^\-n till M. Guerin a
28476	short time ago rediscovered it, and
28477	cleared out the sand and stones to the
28478	distance of about 540 paces. M. Gue-
28479	rin also commenced some excavations
28480	in search of the site of the temple of
28481	Juno, but was stopped by the pro-
28482	prietor of the land. Excavations of
28483	Greek remains are difScult, whether
28484	belonging to Turks or Greeks, and at
28485	Delphi every opposition was made
28486	eveu to my copying the inscriptions
28487	there.— [G. W.]
28488	* Herodotus means no doubt " the
28489	largest Greek temple," since the Egyp-
28490	tian temples were of much greater size.
28491	Though so little of it remains, only
28492	one column now standing, the plan
28493	of the Hera3uni has been ascertained,
28494	and shows a length of 346, and a
28495	breadth of 189 feet. (See the oppo-
28496	site page.) This greatly exceeds all
28497	the other temples of Asia Minor
28498	whose dimensions are known, except
28499	that of Ephesus, which was of later
28500	date (supra, ii. 148, note *). The
28501	01ym]iium at Athens, and the Doric
28502	temples at Agrigentum and Selinus,
28503	are longer than the Samian Heraaum,
28504	but their area is not so great. (See
28505	Leake's Asia Minor, Additional Xotes,
28506	pp. 346-352.) The architecture of
28507	the Hera?imi is Ionic.
28508	^ According to Pausanias (viii. xiv.
28509	§ 5), and Pliny (Hist. Nat. sxxv.
28510	xii. § 43), this Rhoecus was joint-
28511	inventor with Theodore the Samian
28512	of the art of casting statues in bronze.
p. 453
28513	Chap. 60, 61. r.EVOLT OF THE PSEUDO-SMERDIS.
28514	455
28515	Because of these works I have dwelt the longer on the
28516	affairs of Samos."
28517	61. While Cambyses, son of Cyrus, after losing his
28518	senses, still lingered in Egypt, two Magi,^ brothers,
28519	He also built, in conjunction with
28520	Theodore and Smilis, the great laby-
28521	rinth at Lemnos (Plin. H. N. xxxvi.
28522	13, and compare xxxiv. 8.)
28523	1" It is probable that these are the
28524	epya UoXvKpaTfia of Aristotle (Polit.
28525	V. ix.) ; for even if Eha?cus be rightl}^
28526	assigned to the 8th centuiy B.C., which
28527	is uncertain, yet the temple, which
28528	he planned and commenced, may not
28529	have been completed till the time of
28530	Polycrates. Aristotle looks upon these
28531	works as marks of the grinding tyranny
28532	under which the Samians groaned at
28533	this period, but it may be questioned
28534	whether they were really of an op-
28535	pressive character. The policy of
28536	Polycrates, like that of Pisistratus,
28537	seems to have been to conciliate the
28538	masses. Duris related that when any
28539	of his common soldiers fell in battle,
28540	he assigned the care of their bereaved
28541	mothers to some of the richer citizens,
28542	telling them to regard them as their
28543	own mothers (Fr. 49). And his
28544	works were doubtless in great part to
28545	give employment to the poorer classes.
28546	(Compare the cases of Pisistratus,
28547	Pericles, Appius Claudius Cfficus,
28548	and both Napoleons.)
28549	' The Behistun Inscription men-
28550	tions but a single Magus, and Ctesias
28551	(Persic. Exc. § 10) knows of only one.
28552	Still it would be rash here to reject
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28594	I ' I J I I
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p. 454
28597	456
28598	HIS HERALD REACHES CAMBYSES.
28599	Book HI.
28600	revolted against him. One of them had been left in
28601	Persia by Cambyses as comptroller of his household ;
28602	and it was he who began the revolt. Aware that
28603	Smerdis was dead, and that his death was hid, and
28604	known to few of the Persians, while most believed that
28605	he was still alive, he laid his plan, and made a bold stroke
28606	for the crown. He had a brother — the same of whom I
28607	spoke before as his partner in the revolt — who happened
28608	greatly to resemble Smerdis the son of Cyrus,^ whom
28609	Cambyses his brother had put to death. And not only
28610	was this brother of his like Smerdis in person, but he
28611	also bore the selfsame name, to wit Smerdis.^ Patizeithes,
28612	the other magus, having persuaded him that he would
28613	carry the whole business through, took him and made
28614	him sit upon the royal throne.* Having so done, he
28615	sent heralds through all the land, to Egypt and else-
28616	where, to make proclamation to the troops that hence-
28617	forth they were to obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and
28618	not Cambyses.
28619	62. The other heralds therefore made proclamation as
28620	they were ordered, and likewise the herald whose place
28621	it was to proceed into Egypt. He, when he reached
28622	the storj' of Herodotus, which is quite
28623	compatible with the brief narrative of
28624	the inscription. Dionysius of Miletus
28625	appears to have mentioned both bro-
28626	thers ; at least we are told by a Scho-
28627	liast that he called Patizeithes by the
28628	name of Panzuthes. He was an older
28629	writer than Herodotus. See the
28630	Introductory Essay, ch. ii. p. 48.
28631	* So Ctesias (1. s. c), and the per-
28632	sonation, which is placed beyond a
28633	doubt by the inscriptions, would imply
28634	a certain amount of likeness. But the
28635	subsequent concealment (ch. 68), if
28636	true, would show that the likeness
28637	was not very close.
28638	^ Here Herodotus was, most cer-
28639	tainly, mistaken. The pretender's
28640	name was Gomates (Gaumata ; see
28641	Behist. Inscript. Col. i. par. 11, § 2,
28642	et seqq.), a trace of which (the only
28643	trace in all antiqidty) may be found
28644	in the Cometes of Trogus Pompeius
28645	(ap. Justin, i. ix.). This author,
28646	however, assigns the name to the
28647	wrong brother. The Sphendadates of
28648	Ctesias is not a name but a Zend title,
28649	Sjieataddta, "given to the Holy One."
28650	(See Col. Rawlinson's Memoir on the
28651	Beh. Ins. vol. ii. p. 136 ; and compare
28652	Mithradates, "given to Mithra.")
28653	* That the seizure of the supreme
28654	power by the Pseudo-Smerdis met
28655	with no opposition at the time, is
28656	confirmed by the Behistun inscription,
28657	whicli tells us that Gomates no sooner
28658	came forward and declared himself to
28659	be Smerdis (Bardius), son of Cyrus,
28660	than " the whole state became rebel-
28661	lious— from Cambyses it went over to
28662	that Bardius, both Persia and Media,
28663	and the other provinces " (Col. i. par.
28664	11, §§ 6, 7 ; cf. also the 12th and 13th
28665	paragraphs).
p. 455
28666	Chap. 62, 63. PREXASPES GUESSES THE TRUTH. 457
28667	Agbatana in Syria,^ finding Cambyses and his army
28668	there, went straight into the middle of the host, and
28669	standing forth before them all, made the proclamation
28670	which Patizeithes the Magus had commanded. Cam-
28671	byses no sooner heard him, than believing that what the
28672	herald said was true, and imagining that he had been
28673	betrayed by Prexaspes (who, he supposed, had not put
28674	Smerdis to death when sent into Persia for that pur-
28675	pose), he turned his eyes full upon Prexaspes, and
28676	said, " Is this the way, Prexaspes, that thou didst my
28677	errand ?" " Oh ! my liege," answered the other, " there
28678	is no truth in the tidings that Smerdis thy brother has
28679	revolted against thee, nor hast thou to fear in time to
28680	come any quarrel, great or small, with that man. With
28681	my own hands I wrought thy will on him, and with
28682	my own hands I buried him. If of a truth the dead
28683	can leave their graves, expect Astyages the Mede to
28684	rise and fight against thee ; but if the course of nature
28685	be the same as formerly, then be sure no ill will ever
28686	come upon thee from this quarter. Now therefore my
28687	counsel is, that we send in pursuit of the herald, and
28688	strictly question him who it was that charged him to
28689	bid us obey king Smerdis."
28690	63 . When Prexaspes had so spoken, and Cambyses had
28691	approved his words, the herald was forthwith pursued.
28692	* The existence of a Syrian Agba-
28693	tana is very questionable. Stephen of
28694	Byzantium (ad voc.) quotes Demetrius
28695	the notion of a Syrian Ecbatana as
28696	arising out of this name. He supposes
28697	the prefix Ec- or A(j- to represent the
28698	as mentioning that there were two Arabian article El or Al. Ecbatana
28699	Agbatanas, a Median, and a Syrian ; t and Agbatana are, he says, corruptions
28700	and Plinj' (Hist. Nat. v. 19) says that -of El-Batana and Al-Batana.
28701	the town Carmel was anciently called j Mr. Blakesley's identification of the
28702	Ecbatana. But no writer except Hero- Syrian Agbatana with Hamath or
28703	dotus knows of an actually existinjj [ Hamah — based on the statement of
28704	Agbatana in Syria. There was indeed
28705	a town in Syria called by the Greeks
28706	Batana?a (Joseph. Ant. ii. ix.), or
28707	Betana (Judith i. 9), the Basan of the
28708	Jews, which gave name to the whole
28709	district east and south-east of Galilee.
28710	Stephen that it was called Epij^hania,
28711	which was a name of Hamath — is very
28712	uncertain. Manj* towms may have
28713	been called Epiphania.
28714	The name Batanaja still remains in
28715	the modern appellation of the district.
28716	This is the Baraviai of Steph. Bj'z. i which is El-Bataniyeh. Here Mr.
28717	It was the ancient capital of the king- \| Graham has recently discovered a vast
28718	dom of Og (Num. xxi. 33). Hyde ■ number of ancient cities, the houses
28719	(Relig. Vet. Pers. App. p. 41G) regards in which arc almost perfect.
p. 456
28720	458 THE PROPHECY FULFILLED. Book TIT.
28721	and broiiglit back to tlie king. Then Prexaspes said
28722	to him, " Sirrah, thou bear'st ns a message, sayst thou,
28723	from Smerdis, son of Cyrus. Now answer truly, and
28724	go thy way scathless. Did Smerdis have thee to his
28725	presence and give thee thy orders, or hadst thou them
28726	from one of his officers ?" The herald answered, " Truly
28727	I have not set eyes on Smerdis son of Cyrus, since the
28728	day when king Cambyses led the Persians into Egypt.
28729	The man who gave me my orders was the Magus that
28730	Cambyses left in charge of the household ; but he said
28731	that Smerdis son of Cyrus sent you the message." In
28732	all this the herald spoke nothing but the strict truth.
28733	Then Cambyses said thus to Prexaspes : — " Thou art
28734	free from all blame, Prexaspes, since, as a right good
28735	man, thou hast not failed to do the thing which I com-
28736	manded. But tell me now, which of the Persians can
28737	have taken the name of Smerdis, and revolted from
28738	me ?" " I think, my liege," he answered, " that I
28739	apprehend the whole business. The men who have
28740	risen in revolt against thee are the two Magi, Pati-
28741	zeithes, who was left comptroller of thy household, and
28742	his brother, who is named Smerdis."
28743	64. Cambyses no sooner heard the name of Smerdis
28744	than he was struck with the truth of Prexaspes' words,
28745	and the fulfilment of his own dream — the dream, I
28746	mean, which he had in former days, when one appeared
28747	to him in- his sleep and told him that Smerdis sat
28748	upon the royal throne, and with his head touched the
28749	heavens.® So when he saw that he had needlessly slain
28750	his brother Smerdis, he wept and bewailed his loss :
28751	after which, smarting with vexation as he thought of all
28752	his ill luck, he sprang hastily upon his steed, meaning
28753	to march his army with all haste to Susa against the
28754	Magus. As he made his spring, the button of his
28755	sword-sheath fell off, and the bared point entered his
28756	thigh, wounding him exactly where he had himself
28757	' Supra, ch. 30.
p. 457
28758	Chap. 64, 65. CAMBYSES' ADDRESS TO THE PERSIANS.
28759	459
28760	once wounded the Egyptian god Apis.* Then Cam-
28761	byses, feeling that he had got his death-wound, in-
28762	quired the name of the place where he was, and was
28763	answered ' Agbatana.' Now before this it had been
28764	told him by the oracle at Buto that he should end his
28765	days at Agbatana. He, however, had understood the
28766	Median Agbatana, where all his treasures were, and
28767	had thought that he should die there at a good old age,
28768	but the oracle meant Agbatana in Syria.^ So when
28769	Cambyses heard the name of the place, the double
28770	shock that he had received, from the revolt of the
28771	Magus and from his wound, brought him back to his
28772	senses. And he understood now the true meaning of
28773	the oracle, and said, " Here then Cambyses, son of
28774	Cyrus, is doomed to die,"
28775	65. At this time he said no more ; but twenty days
28776	afterwards he called to his presence all the chief Per-
28777	sians who were with the army, and addressed them as
28778	follows : — " Persians, needs must I tell you now what
28779	hitherto I have striven with the greatest care to keep
28780	concealed. When I was in Egypt I saw in my sleep
28781	a vision, which would that I had never beheld ! I
28782	thought a messenger came to me from my home, and
28783	said that Smerdis sate upon the royal throne, and with
28784	his head touched the heavens. Then I feared to be
28785	cast from my throne by Smerdis my brother, and I
28786	did what was more hasty than wise. Ah ! truly, do
28787	' The details here are suspicious,
28788	since they evidently come from the
28789	Egyptian priests, who wish to repre-
28790	sent the death of Cambyses as a
28791	judgment upon him for his impiety.
28792	Ctesias related that Cambyses wounded
28793	himself with a knife, with which he
28794	was carving a piece of wood for his
28795	amusement (Excerpt. Persic. § 10).
28796	Both writers refiresent the wound as
28797	accidental, and both agree us to its
28798	situation. Th(! words of the Behistun
28799	Inscription cause a suspicion that the
28800	VOL. II.
28801	death may have been a suicide. Cam-
28802	byses, it is said, after the whole empire
28803	had revolted, " self-wishing to die,
28804	died" {uvdmarshiyush amariyata, Col.
28805	par. i. 11, § 10).
28806	* Beloe (vol. ii. p. 227) compares
28807	with this tale the tradition of our own
28808	Henry IV., who had been warned
28809	prophetically that he was to die at
28810	Jerusalem, and who died in the Je-
28811	rusalem chamber at Westminster.
28812	Shakspeare noticea this story (2nd
28813	Part of Henry IV. Act iv. Sc. iv.).
28814	2 I
p. 458
28815	460 CAMBYSES' ADDRESS. Book III.
28816	what they may, it is impossible for men to turn aside
28817	the coming fate. I, in my folly, send Prexaspes to
28818	Susa to put my brother to death. So this great woe
28819	was accomplished, and I then lived without fear, never
28820	imagining that, after Smerdis was dead, I need dread
28821	revolt from any other. But herein I had quite mis-
28822	taken what was about to happen, and so 1 slew my
28823	brother without any need,® and nevertheless hav^e lost
28824	my crown. For it was Smerdis the Magus, and not
28825	Smerdis my brother, of whose rebellion God forewarned
28826	me by the vision. The deed is done, however, and
28827	Smerdis, son of Cyrus, be sure is lost to you. The Magi
28828	have the royal power — Patizeithes, whom I left at
28829	Susa to overlook my household, and Smerdis his brother.
28830	There was one who would have been bound beyond
28831	all others to avenge the wrongs I have suffered from
28832	these Magians, but he, alas ! has perished by a horrid
28833	fate, deprived of life by those nearest and dearest to
28834	him. In his default, nothing now remains for me but
28835	to tell you, 0 Persians, what I would wish to have
28836	done after I have breathed my last. Therefore, in the
28837	name of the Gods that watch over our royal house, I
28838	charge you all, and specially such of you as are
28839	Achsemenids, that ye do not tamely allow the kingdom
28840	to go back to the Medes.^" Recover it one way or
28841	another, by force or fraud ; by fraud, if it is by fraud
28842	that they have seized on it ; by force, if force has
28843	helped them in their enterprise. Do this, and then
28844	^ Here for once Schweighajuser has,
28845	I think, mistaken the sense. He ren-
28846	ders ov8ev beov, " prajter jus et fas ;"
28847	hut surely it is equivalent to the
28848	fiaTTjv of oh. 64. What vexes Cam-
28849	hyses is not that he killed his hrother
28850	Persians to the Medes. The Behistun
28851	Inscription proves that it was not so.
28852	Goraates the Magiau arose from Pissia-
28853	chada, a town which it is almost cer-
28854	tain was in Persia proper. His cause
28855	was first adopted in Persia. And
28856	nnjustly, but that he did it without Darius expresses his surprise that
28857	any need. " neither Persian, nor Median, nor
28858	'" Heeren (Asiatic Nations, vol. i. any one of hiso-u-nfamilvdisi^ossessed
28859	p. 34G) and Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, ' him " (Col. i. par. 13, §"'2). See Ap-
28860	vol. iv. pp. 298-302) accept tiie re- , pendix, Essay ii., " On the Magian
28861	presentation of Herodotus, that this j
28862	Revolution and the Reign of the
28863	was a transfer of sovereignty from the ! Pseudo-Smerdis."
p. 459
28864	CiiAP. 60, 67. DEATH OF CAMBYSES. 4G1
28865	may your land bring you forth fruit abundantly, and
28866	your wives bear children, and your herds increase, and
28867	freedom be your portion for ever : but do it not — make
28868	no brave struggle to regain the kingdom — and then
28869	my curse be on you, and may the opposite of all these
28870	things happen to you — and not only so, but may you,
28871	one and all, perish at the last by such a fate as mine ! "
28872	Then Cambyses, when he left speaking, bewailed his
28873	whole misfortune from beginning to end.
28874	66. Whereupon the Persians, seeing their king weep,
28875	rent the garments that they had on, and uttered
28876	lamentable cries ;^^ after which, as the bone presently
28877	grew carious, and the limb gangrened, Cambyses, son
28878	of Cyrus, died. He had reigned in all seven years and
28879	live months,^ and left no issue behind him, male or
28880	female. The Persians who had heard his words, put
28881	no faith in anything that he said concerning the Magi
28882	having the royal power ; but believed that he spoke
28883	out of hatred towards Smerdis, and had invented the
28884	tale of his death to cause the whole Persian race to rise
28885	up in arms against him. Thus they were convinced
28886	that it was Smerdis the son of Cyrus who had rebelled
28887	and now sate on the throne. For Prexaspes stoutly
28888	denied that he had slain Smerdis, since it was not safe
28889	for him, after Cambyses was dead, to allow that a son
28890	of Cyrus had met death at his hands.
28891	67. Thus then Cambyses died, and the Magus now
28892	reigned in security, and passed himself off for Smerdis
28893	" Mr. Blakesley (not. ad loc.) well
28894	compares the picture in the Persa? of
28895	.(Eschylus, lines 1017-1055.
28896	' Vide infra, ch. 67. That the reigns
28897	of Cambyses and the Pseudo-Smerdis
28898	Canon, because no reign is given
28899	which occupied only a fraction of
28900	a year. Nineteen years are assigned
28901	to Cambyses liy Clemens Alex.(Strom.
28902	i. p. 395) ; and 18 by Ctesias (Ex-
28903	occupied eight years, more than seven ^ cerpt. Persic. § 12), unless this is a
28904	of which belonged to Cambyses, is wrong reading (I H for H). Manetho
28905	certain from the Canon of Ptolemy, '< probably gave the true time, eight
28906	which gives exactly eight years lie- , years. (Compare Euseb. Chron. Can.
28907	tween the death of Cyrus and the j
28908	i. xx., and Euseb. ap. Sync. p. 76, with
28909	accession of Darius. The reign of the Africanus ap. Syncell. p. 75.)
28910	Pseudo-Smerdis is omitted from the
28911	2 I 2
p. 460
28912	462
28913	SUSIAN ACROPOLIS.
28914	Book III.
28915	the son of Cyrus. And so went by the seven months
28916	which were wanting to complete the eighth year of
28917	Cambyses.^ His subjects, while his reign lasted, received
28918	great benefits from him, insomuch that, when he died,
28919	all the dwellers in Asia mourned his loss exceedingly,
28920	except only the Persians. For no sooner did he come
28921	to the throne than forthwith he sent round to every
28922	nation under his rule, and granted them freedom from
28923	war-service and from taxes for the space of three years.
28924	68. In the eighth month, however, it was discovered
28925	who he was in the mode following. There was a man
28926	called OtaneSj the son of Pharnaspes,^ who for rank
28927	and wealth was equal to the greatest of the Persians.*
28928	This Otanes was the first to suspect that the Magus
28929	was not Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and to surmise
28930	moreover who he really was. He was led to guess the
28931	truth by the king never quitting the citadel,^ and never
28932	* Eusebius is clearly in error when
28933	he reckons the reign of the Magi as
28934	additional to the eight years of Cam-
28935	byses (Chron. Can. ii. p, 335). His
28936	authority, Manetho, did not do so.
28937	^ Called in the Behistun Inscription
28938	Utdna, sou ,of Thuhhra, i. e. Otanes,
28939	son of Socris (Col. iv. par. 18, § 5).
28940	* Herodotus probably regarded
28941	Otanes as brother of Cassandane
28942	(supra, ch. 2), and therefore uncle of
28943	Cambyses and Smerdis. This appears
28944	to have been a mistake. But there is
28945	reason to believe that Otanes was
28946	really descended from Pharnaces, king
28947	of Cappadocia, who married Atossa,
28948	sister of Cambyses, the great-grand-
28949	father of Cyrus the Great. The ge-
28950	nealogy is thus given by Diodorus : —
28951	Pharnaces m. Atossa, sister of Cambyses the Persian.
28952	G alius
28953	I
28954	Smerdis
28955	I
28956	Artamnes
28957	I
28958	Anaphas (i. e. Otanes), one of the seven conspirators.
28959	There is no doubt that the Anaphas of
28960	Diodorus is the Otanes of Herodotus.
28961	He is plainly identical with the Ona-
28962	phas of Ctesias, placed by him at the
28963	head of his list. And Anaphas or Ono-
28964	phas was a family-name in the house of
28965	Otanes, as appears from Book vii. ch.
28966	62. The two names are indeed per-
28967	petually confounded. See Col. Eaw-
28968	linson's note on the Persian inscription
28969	at Behistun (Journal of Asiatic So-
28970	ciety, vol. xii. part ii. p. xiii.).
28971	•* By the citadel (aKpoVoXty) it is un-
28972	certain whether Herodotus means the
28973	citadel proper, or only the royal palace
28974	at Susa (v. infr. ch. 70), called by the
28975	Greeks " the Memnonium," which he
28976	speaks of below (v. 54) as to. ^aa-iKrj'ia
28977	TCI Mf nvovia (cf. Strab. xv. p. 1031,
28978	t) 5e aKpoTTokis enaXelro Mffivoveiov),
28979	and which was no doubt strongly for-
28980	tified. As this occupied a portion of
28981	the modern moimd of Sus (see note on
28982	Book v. ch. 49), it might be con-
p. 461
28983	Chap. G8.
28984	PH.EDIMA AND HER FATHER.
28985	463
28986	calling before liim any of the Persian noblemen. As
28987	soon therefore as his suspicions were aroused, he adopted
28988	the following measures : — One of his daughters, who
28989	was called Phsedima, had been married to Cambyses,
28990	and was taken to wife, together with the rest of
28991	Cambyses' wives, by the Magus. To this daughter
28992	Otanes sent a message, and inquired of her, "^who it
28993	was whose bed she shared, — was it Smerdis the son
28994	of Cyrus, or was it some other man ? " Phgedima in
28995	reply declared " she did not know^-Smerdis the son
28996	of Cyrus she had never seen, and so she could not
28997	tell whose bed she shared." Upon this Otanes sent a
28998	second time, and said, " If thou dost not know Smerdis
28999	sidered as included in the acropolis.
29000	Col. Rawliuson thus describes the
29001	great mound : — " As I approached
29002	the ruins I was particularly struck
29003	■with the extraordinary height of this
29004	mound, which appears to have consti-
29005	tuted the fort of the city. By a rough
29006	calculation with the sextant, I found
29007	the height of the lower platform to
29008	be between 80 and 90 feet, and that
29009	of the great mound to be about 165
29010	feet. The platform, which is square,
29011	I estimated to measure two miles and
29012	a half; the mound, which I paced,
29013	measured 1100 yards roi;nd the base,
29014	and 850 round the summit. The
29015	slope is very steep — so steep, indeed,
29016	as only to admit of ascent by two
29017	pathways." (Notes on a March from
29018	Zohab to Khuzistan, Journal of Geo-
29019	graph. Society, vol. ix. part i. p. 68.)
29020	Lieut. Glascott found the height of
29021	the great mound or true acroj^olis to
29022	be 119 feet, and the circumference of
29023	the summit 2850 feet. (Loftus's
29024	Chalda3a,p. 343.) The subjoined repre-
29025	sentation of the mound is taken from
29026	the work of Col. Chesney (Euphrat.
29027	Exped. vol. ii. p. 356). The great
29028	strength of the Susian acropolis ap-
29029	pears from Polybius (v. 48, § 14),
p. 462
29030	464 DETECTION OF THE MAGUS. Book III.
29031	son of Cyrus thyself, ask queen Atossa who it is with
29032	whom ye both live — she cannot fail to know her own
29033	brother." To this the daughter made answer, " I can
29034	neither get speech with Atossa, nor with any of the
29035	women who lodge in the palace. For no sooner did
29036	this man, be he who he may, obtain the kingdom, than
29037	he parted us from one another, and gave us all separate
29038	chambers."
29039	69. This made the matter seem still more plain to
29040	Otanes. Nevertheless he sent a third message to his
29041	daughter in these words following : — " Daughter, thou
29042	art of noble blood — thou wilt not shrink from a risk
29043	which thy father bids thee encounter. If this fellow
29044	be not Smerdis the son of Cyrus, but the man whom I
29045	think him to be, his boldness in taking thee to be his
29046	wife, and lording it over the Persians, must not be
29047	allowed to pass unpunished. Now therefore do as I
29048	command — when next he passes the night with thee,
29049	wait till, thou art sure he is fast asleep, and then feel
29050	for his ears. If thou findest him to have ears, then
29051	believe him to be Smerdis the son of Cyrus, but if he
29052	has none, know him for Smerdis the Magian." Phai-
29053	dima returned for answer, " It would be a great risk.
29054	If he was without ears, and caught her feeling for
29055	them, she well knew he would make awav with her —
29056	nevertheless she would venture." So Otanes got his
29057	daughter's promise that she would do as he desired.
29058	Now Smerdis the Magian had had his ears cut off in
29059	the lifetime of Cyrus son of Cambyses, as a punishment
29060	for a crime of no slight heinousness.® Phaedima there-
29061	fore, Otanes' daughter, bent on accomplishing what she
29062	* See, below, the story of Zopyrus, : portant testimony than any of his is
29063	which implies that such mutilation ' that of the Behistun Inscription (Col. ii.
29064	was an ordinary punishment (infra, \ par. 13, § 4), which shows us that this
29065	ch. 154-158). Brisson (de Kegn. Pers. j punishment was inflicted l)y Darius
29066	ii. pp. 334-5) has collected a number
29067	of instances, extending from the age
29068	of Cyrus to that of Julian, which
29069	sufficiently prove this, A more im-
29070	on the great Median rebel Phraortes.
29071	It is still practised at the present day
29072	both in Turkey and Persia.
p. 463
29073	Chap. 69, 70.
29074	THE SIX CONSPIRATORS.
29075	465
29076	had j)romised her father, when her turn came, and she
29077	was taken to the bed of the Magus (in Persia a man's
29078	wives sleep with him in their turns ^), waited till he was
29079	sound asleep, and then felt for his ears. She quickly
29080	perceived that he had no ears ; and of this, as soon as
29081	day dawned, she sent word to her father.
29082	70. Then Otanes took to him two of the chief
29083	Persians, Aspathines* and Gohryas,^ men whom it
29084	was most advisable to trust in such a matter, and
29085	told them ever^'thing*. Now they had already of
29086	themselves suspected how the matter stood. When
29087	Otanes therefore laid his reasons before them thev
29088	at once came into his views ; and it was agreed that
29089	each of the three should take as companion in the
29090	work the Persian in whom he j)lticed the greatest
29091	confidence. Then Otanes chose Intaphernes,' Gobryas
29092	Megabyziis,^ and Aspathines Hydarnes.^ After the
29093	' Compare Esther ii. 12. " Xow
29094	when every maid's turn was come to
29095	go in to king Ahasuerus, after she had
29096	been twelve months, according to the
29097	manner of the women," &c.
29098	* Aspathines seems to rejareseut the
29099	Aspachand of the Xakhsh-i-Kiistam
29100	inscription, who was not one of the
29101	seven conspirators, but was the quiver-
29102	bearer of Darius. The name given
29103	by the inscription in the place of
29104	Aspathines is Ardomanes {Ardu-
29105	manish). This is the only name out
29106	of the seven in which Herodotus was
29107	wrong. Ctesias was wrong in every
29108	name but two(Hydarnes and Darius).
29109	' Gobryas, the Gaubaruwa of the
29110	monuments, appears to have been the
29111	bow-bearer of Darius. At least a
29112	person of the name is represented in
29113	that capacity at Xakhsh-i-Rustam.
29114	Sucli an office might, I think, have
29115	been held by a Persian of very ex-
29116	alted rank. He is joined on the monu-
29117	ment, as here, with Aspathines (As-
29118	puchand) the quiver-bearer. His
29119	father's name (Uke his son's) was
29120	Mardonius {Marduniya).
29121	' Herodotus is here more exact than
29122	either Ctesias or ^5]schylus. Ctesias
29123	calls this conspirator Artaphemes
29124	(Excerpt. Persic. § 14); ^schylus,
29125	Artaphrenes (Pers. 782, Blomf.).
29126	The inscription gives the name as
29127	Vidafrand, or (in the Scythian copy)
29128	Vindaparna, which would l;e very
29129	sufficiently rendered by the Greek
29130	^lvTa(f)epi/r)s. It is worthy of notice
29131	that in the Behistun Inscription Inta-
29132	phernes is placed at the head of the
29133	list of conspirators. He may there-
29134	fore be regarded as probably the chief,
29135	next to Darius. Hence we may un-
29136	derstand why ^schylus ascribes the
29137	killing of the pseudo-Smerdis to him —
29138	TOi^ Se en*!' 5cAai
29139	^vv avSpa<7i.v (^tAoctric, ols toS' ^v xP^°^-
29140	(Pers. 781-3.)
29141	We may also suspect a deei)er mean-
29142	ing in the narrative of his death (infra,
29143	ch. 118) than appears upon the sur-
29144	face. (See note ad loc.)
29145	* In tbe Persian, Bafjabuhsha.
29146	^ Vidarna in the inscription; in
29147	Ctesias, Idernes ; Indarnes in Plutarch.
29148	He was employed by Darius en occa-
29149	sion of the Median revolt, and gained
p. 464
29150	466
29151	CONFERENCE OF THE SEVEN.
29152	Book III.
29153	number had thus become six, Darius, the son of
29154	Hystaspes, arrived at Susa from Persia, whereof his
29155	father was governor.* On his coming it seemed good
29156	to the six to take him likewise into their counsels.^
29157	71. After this, the men, being now seven in all,^
29158	met together to exchange oaths, and hold discourse
29159	with one another. And when it came to the turn
29160	of Darius to speak his mind, he said as follows :
29161	■ — " Methought no one but I knew that Smerdis, the
29162	son of Cyrus, was not now alive, and that Smerdis the
29163	Magian ruled over us ; on this account I came hither
29164	with speed, to compass the death of the Magian. But
29165	as it seems the matter is known to you all,, and not to
29166	a great victoiT over the Medes in, tlieir
29167	own country "(Behist. Ins., Col. ii. par.
29168	6, §§ 4-11). He was afterwards ap-
29169	pointed by Xerxes to the command
29170	of the Asiatic coast (infra, vii. 135).
29171	One of his sons, named (like his father)
29172	Hj'darues, commanded the Immortals
29173	in the army of Xerxes (ib. 83). An-
29174	other, Sisamnes, led the Arian con-
29175	tingent (ib. 66). According to Straho,
29176	" the descendants of Hydarnes became
29177	kings of Armenia, and reigned there
29178	from the time of Darius to that of
29179	Antiochus the Great "(xi. p. 771).
29180	■* The curious fact, that Darius be-
29181	came king in his father's lifetime, is
29182	confirmed by the great inscription,
29183	where we find Hystaspes em]>loyed as
29184	one of his son's generals in subduing
29185	the rebellious Parthians (Col. ii, pai\
29186	16). He appears, however, rather as
29187	satrap of Parthia than Persia.
29188	* Darius represents. the matter some-
29189	what differently. According to him,
29190	" No one dared to say anything con-
29191	cerning Gomates the Magian, till he
29192	arrived'" (Beh. Inscr., Col. i. jiar. 13,
29193	§ 6). But Darius, would be apt to
29194	exaggerate in his own favour.
29195	* Writers of great eminence (Nie-
29196	buhr, Vortrage, vol. i. p. 158; Heeren,
29197	As. Nat. vol. i. p. 348) have seen in
29198	this conspiracy of the Seven Persians
29199	a movement of the nation (National-
29200	bewegung) under the leadership of the
29201	seven great heads of tribes or families,
29202	sitA not a mere casual junction of in-
29203	dividuals. Niebuhr maintains that
29204	throughout the whole Persian history
29205	there were seven families who had a
29206	rank great!}' beyond all the rest (l.s.c).
29207	And certainly there is a passage in the
29208	book of Ezra (vii. 14), and another in
29209	the book of Esther (i. 14), which fa-
29210	vour the notion of seven princes or
29211	councillors who stood in some very
29212	special relation to the king. But if the
29213	royal house of the Ach»menid£e was
29214	one of the seven great families, as the
29215	king would be the head of that house,
29216	we should have expected six princes
29217	or councillors. And after the disgrace
29218	of Intaphernes-(infra, 118-9) we should
29219	have looked to find but five. It maj'
29220	be questioned, therefore, whether the
29221	passages in Ezra and Esther lend any
29222	countenance to the theory of Niebuhr.
29223	The Behistun Inscription is thoroughly
29224	confirmatory of the view of the matter
29225	taken by Herodotus. Not only is no
29226	mention made of the families of the
29227	six conspirators, but tliey are dis-
29228	tinctly spoken of as lending their
29229	individual aid to Darius. " On the
29230	10th day of the month Bagayadish,
29231	then it was, with my faithful men,
29232	I slew that Gomates" (Col., i. par.
29233	13, § 9). "These are the men ivho
29234	alone irere there when I slew Go-
29235	mates — these men alone laboured in
29236	my service " (Col. iv. par. 18, §§
29237	2, 3).
p. 465
29238	Chap. 71, 72. DARIUS' APOLOGY FOU LYING. 467
29239	me only, my judgment is that we should act at once,
29240	and not any longer delay. For to do so were not well."
29241	Otanes spoke upon this : — " Son of Hystaspes," said he,
29242	" thou art the child of a brave father, and seemest
29243	likely to show thyself as bold a gallant as he. Beware,
29244	however, of rash haste in this matter ; do not hurry
29245	so, but proceed with soberness. We must add to our
29246	number ere we adventure to strike the blow." " Not
29247	so," Darius rejoined — " for let all j^resent be well
29248	assured, that if the advice of Otanes guide our acts, we
29249	shall perish most miserably. Some one will betray
29250	our plot to the Magians for lucre's sake» Ye ought to
29251	have kept the matter to yourselves^ and so made the
29252	venture ; but as ye have chosen to take others into
29253	your secret, and have opened the matter to me, take
29254	my advice and make the attempt to-day — or if not, if
29255	a single day be suffered to pass by, be sure that I will
29256	let no one betray me to the Magian, I myself will go
29257	to him., and plainly denounce you all."
29258	72. Otanes, when he saw Darius so hot, replied,
29259	" But if thou wilt force us to action, and not allow
29260	a day's delay, tell us,^ I pray thee, how we shall get
29261	entrance into the palace, so as to set upon them. Guards
29262	are placed every where as thou thyself well knowest —
29263	for if thou hast not seen, at least thou hast heard tell
29264	of them. How are we to pass these guards, I ask
29265	thee ?" "Otanes," answered Darius, " there are many
29266	things easy enough in act, which by speech it is
29267	hard to explain. There are also things concerning
29268	which speech is easy, but no noble action follows when
29269	the speech is done. As for these guards, ye know well
29270	that we shall not find it hard to make our way through
29271	them. Our rank alone would cause them to allow us
29272	to enter^ — shame and fear alike forbidding them to say
29273	us nay. But besides, I have the fairest plea that can
29274	be conceived for gaining admission. I can say that I
29275	have just come from Persia, and have a message to
p. 466
29276	468 SPEECH OF GOBRYAS. Book III.
29277	deliver to the king from my father. An untruth must
29278	be spoken, where need requires. For whether men lie,
29279	or say true, it is with one and the same object. Men
29280	lie, because they think to gain by deceiving others ; and
29281	speak the truth, because they expect to get something
29282	by their true speaking, and to be trusted afterwards
29283	in more imj^ortant matters. Thus, though their con-
29284	duct is so opposite, the end of both is alike. If there
29285	were no gain to be got, your true-speaking man W'Ould
29286	tell untruths as much as your liar, and your liar would
29287	tell the truth as much as your true-speaking man." The
29288	door-keeper, who lets us in readily, shall have his
29289	guerdon some day or other ; but w^oe to the man who
29290	resists us, he must forthwith be declared an enemy.
29291	Forcing our way past him, we wdll press in and go
29292	straight to our work."
29293	73. After Darius had thus said, Gobryas spoke as
29294	follows : — " Dear friends, when will a fitter occasion
29295	offer for us to recover the kingdom, or, if we are not
29296	strong enough, at least die in the attempt ? Consider
29297	that we Persians are governed by a Median Magus, and
29298	one, too, who has had his ears cut off ! Some of you
29299	were present when Cambyses lay upon his death-bed — •
29300	such, doubtless, remember what curses he called down
29301	upon the Persians if they made no effort to recover the
29302	kingdom. Then, indeed, w^e paid but little heed to
29303	wdiat he said, because we thought he spoke out of
29304	hatred to set us against his brother. Now, however,
29305	my vote is, that we do as Darius has counselled — march
29306	straight in a body to the palace from the place where we
29307	^ This elaborate a^Xjlogj' for a most is of course not to be looked upon as
29308	justifiable imtruth, instead of showing historical, but it is in character — being
29309	(as Larcher thinks) that veracity was thoroughly Persian in its sentiment,
29310	not much regarded in Persia, is The arguments used seem, however,
29311	strongly indicative of the contrary, j to have come from the mint of the
29312	No justification would have been Sophists. (Compare Plat. Eep. ii.
29313	thought necessary, unless in a country , § 3, pp. 359-60; Arist. Eth. v, 9,
29314	where there was almost a superstitious I § 16.)
29315	regard for verbal truth. The speech i
p. 467
29316	CiiAP. 73-75. PROPOSALS OF THE MAGI TO PREXASPES,
29317	469
29318	now are, and forthwith set upon the Magian." So
29319	Gobryas spake, and the others all approved.
29320	74 While the seven were thus taking counsel to-
29321	gether, it so chanced that the following events were
29322	happening : — The Magi had been thinking what they
29323	had best do, and had resolved for many reasons to make
29324	a friend of Prexaspes. They knew how cruelly he had
29325	been outraged by Cambyses, who slew his son with an
29326	arrow f they were also aware that it was by his hand
29327	that Smerdis the son of Cyrus fell, and that he was the
29328	only person privy to that prince's death ; and they
29329	further found him to be held in the highest esteem by
29330	all the Persians. So they called him to them, made
29331	him their friend, and bound him by a promise and
29332	by oaths to keep silence about the fraud which they
29333	were practising upon the Persians, and not discover it
29334	to any one ; and they pledged themselves that in this
29335	case they would give him thousands of gifts of every
29336	sort and kind.^ So Prexaspes agreed ; and the Magi,
29337	when they found that they had persuaded him so far,
29338	went on to another proposal, and said they would
29339	assemble the Persians at the foot of the palace wall,
29340	and he should mount one of the towers and harangue
29341	them from it, assuring them that Smerdis the son of
29342	Cyrus, and none but he, ruled the land. This they
29343	bade him do, because Prexaspes was a man of great
29344	weight with his countrymen, and had often declared in
29345	pubHc that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was still alive,
29346	and denied being his murderer.
29347	75. Prexaspes said he was quite ready to do their
29348	will in the matter ; so the Magi assembled the people,
29349	and placed Prexaspes upon the top of the tower, and
29350	told him to make his speech. Then this man, for-
29351	^ Vide supra, ch. 35.
29352	" Literall}% " ten thousand of every
29353	thing ;" that is, of every thing which
29354	it was customary to give. Similar
29355	expressions occur elsewhere in their
29356	strict proper sense (see i. 50, iv. 88,
29357	ix. 81, &c.), hut here the phrase can
29358	only be a strong hyperbole.
p. 468
29359	470
29360	END OF PREXASPES.
29361	Book 111.
29362	getting of set purpose all that tlie Magi had entreated
29363	him to say, l^egan with Achsemenes, and traced down
29364	the descent of Cyrus ; after which, when he came to
29365	that king, he recounted all the services that had been
29366	rendered by him to the Persians, from whence he went
29367	on to declare the truth, which hitherto he had con-
29368	cealed, he said, because it would not have been safe for
29369	him to make it known, but now necessity was laid on
29370	him to disclose the whole. Then he told how, forced
29371	to it by Cambyses, he had himself taken the life of
29372	Smerdis, son of Cyrus, and how that Persia was now
29373	ruled by the Magi. Last of all, with many curses upon
29374	the Persians if they did not recover the kingdom, and
29375	wreak vengeance on the Magi, he threw himself head-
29376	long from the tower into the abyss below. Such was
29377	the end of Prexaspes, a man all his life of high repute
29378	among the Persians.^"
29379	76. And now the seven Persians, having resolved
29380	that they would attack the Magi without more delay,
29381	first offered prayers to the gods and then set off for the
29382	palace, quite unacquainted with what had been done by
29383	Prexaspes. The news of his doings reached them upon
29384	their way, when they had accomplished about half the
29385	distance. HereujDon they turned aside out of the road,
29386	and consulted together. Otanes and his party said
29387	they must certainly put off the business, and not make
29388	the attack when affairs were in such a ferment. Darius,
29389	on the other hand, and his friends, were against any
29390	change of plan, and wished to go straight on, and not
29391	lose a moment. Now, as they strove together, sud-
29392	denly there came in sight two pairs of vultures, and
29393	seven pairs of hawks, pursuing them, and the hawks
29394	'^ Ctesias transfers this story, Tvitli
29395	some variations in the details, to a cer-
29396	tain Ixabates, one of the chief eunuchs.
29397	Ixabates, according to him, was not
29398	the person who killed Smerdis, but
29399	Ijeins; hi2;h in the confidence of Cam-
29400	byses, knew for certain that he had
29401	been killed. After publicl}- proclaim-
29402	ing the deception, he took refuge in
29403	one of the temples, from which he was
29404	dragged by the order of the Magus,
29405	and beheaded for his temerity.
p. 469
29406	CuAP. 76-78. THE CONSPIRATORS FORCE THE PALACE. 471
29407	tore the vultures both with their claws and bills. At
29408	this sight the seven with one accord came in to the
29409	opinion of Darius, and encouraged by the omen hast-
29410	ened on towards the palace.
29411	77. At the gate they were received as Darius had
29412	foretold. The guards, who had no suspicion that they
29413	came for any ill purpose, and held the chief Persians in
29414	much reverence, let them pass without difficulty — it
29415	seemed as if they were under the special protection of
29416	the gods — none even asked them any question. When
29417	they were now in the great court they fell in with
29418	certain of the eunuchs, whose business it was to carry
29419	the king's messages, who stopped them and asked what
29420	they wanted, while at the same time they threatened
29421	the doorkeepers for having let them in. The seven
29422	sought to press on, but the eunuchs would not suffer
29423	them. Then these men, with cheers encouraging one
29424	another, drew their daggers, and stabbing those who
29425	strove to withstand them, rushed forward to the aj)art-
29426	ment of the males.
29427	78. Now both the Magi were at this time within,
29428	holding counsel upon the matter of Prexaspes. So
29429	when they heard the stir among the eunuchs, and their
29430	loud cries, they ran out themselves, to see what was
29431	happening. Instantly perceiving their danger, they
29432	both flew to arms ; one had just time to seize his bow,
29433	the other got hold of his lance ; when straightway the
29434	fight began. The one whose weapon was the bow
29435	found it of no service at all, the foe was too near, and
29436	the combat too close to allow of his using it. But the
29437	other made a stout defence with his lance, wounding
29438	two of the seven, Aspathines in the leg, and Inta-
29439	phernes in the eye. This wound did not kill Inta-
29440	phernes, but it cost him his sight. The other Magus,
29441	when he found his bow of no avail, fled into a
29442	chamber which opened out into the apartment of the
29443	males, intending to shut to the doors. But two of the
p. 470
29444	472
29445	SLAUGHTER OF THE MAGT.
29446	Book III.
29447	seven entered the room with him, Darius and Gobryas.
29448	Gobryas seized the Magus and grappled with him,
29449	while Darius stood over them, not knowing what to do,
29450	for it was dark,^^ and he was afraid that if he struck a
29451	blow he might kill Gobryas. Then Gobryas, when he
29452	perceived that Darius stood doing nothing, asked him,
29453	" why his hand was idle ? " "I fear to hurt thee," he
29454	answered. "Fear not," said Gobryas, " strike, though
29455	it be through both." Darius did as he desired, drove
29456	his dagger home, and by good hap killed the Magus.^
29457	79. Thus were the Magi slain, and the seven, cutting
29458	off both the heads, and leaving their own wounded
29459	in the palace, partly because they were disabled, and
29460	partly to guard the citadel, went forth from the gates
29461	" The Persian, like the Assyrian
29462	palaces, consisted of one or more
29463	central halls or com-ts, probably open
29464	to the sky, ou which adjoined a num-
29465	ber of ceiled chambers of small size,
29466	without windows, and only lighted
29467	through the doorw^ay, which opened
29468	into the court. (See the Essays ap-
29469	pended to vol. i. ; Essay vii. § 12,
29470	and compare Loftus's Chalda^a, pp.
29471	373-6, and Layard's Nineveh and
29472	Babylon, pp. 646-8.) Modern houses
29473	in Persia are often on the same plan
29474	— there being a central hall or Iwan
29475	rising to the top of the building, and
29476	round it small rooms in two or three
29477	separate stories, opening by windows
29478	into it, wiiilst " the inner chamber,
29479	having no wmdoios at all, have no
29480	more light than that which reaches
29481	them through the door." (Layard,
29482	p. 649.)
29483	' The death of tbe Magus is some-
29484	what differently related by Ctesias.
29485	He says : " The seven got admission
29486	into the palace through Bagapates
29487	(Megabates), who kept the keys. On
29488	their entrance they found the Magus
29489	sleeping with one of his concubines,
29490	a Baliylonian. When he saw them,
29491	he s[)rang from his couch, and not
29492	finding any weajwn of war at hand
29493	(for Bagapates had conveyed them all
29494	secretly away), he brake in pieces a
29495	chair, made of gold, and seizing one
29496	of the legs, therewith defended himself.
29497	At last the stabs of the seven killed
29498	him ; and he died after a reign of seven
29499	months." (Excerpt. Pers. § 14.)
29500	The Behistun Inscription throws
29501	but little light on the circumstances
29502	of the death. It contributes, however,
29503	one fact, which is incompatible with
29504	the narratives alike of Ctesias and of
29505	Herodotus. Gomates is represented
29506	by both historians as slain at Susa, in
29507	the royal palace, ^schylus has the
29508	same tradition (t6v 8e crvv 86Xa 'Apra-
29509	^pivqs eKTeivev eadXos iv 8 6 p. o i s'
29510	Pers. 1. s. c). But the inscription
29511	states that he was killed " at the fort
29512	named Sictachotes, in the district of
29513	Media called NisEea" (Col. i. par. 13,
29514	§ 10). It is ])robable that he had fled
29515	thither for greater securitj-.
29516	That the six nobles did really assist
29517	Darius in the final attack is evident,
29518	both from the passage, " On the 10th
29519	day of the month Bagayadish, then it
29520	was, with my faithful men, I thus
29521	.slew that Gomates " (Col. 1. par. 13,
29522	§ 9), and from the formal inscription
29523	of their names in the 18th paragraph
29524	of the 4th column.
29525	It is remarkable that, no less than
29526	three times, Darius distinctly affirms
29527	that "he slew Gomates" (Col. i.par. 13,
29528	§§ 9 and 10 ; and Col. iv. par. 18, § 2).
p. 471
29529	Chap. 79, 80. FESTIVAL OF THE MAGOPHONIA.
29530	473
29531	with the heads in their hands, shouting and making an
29532	uproar. They called out to all the Persians that they
29533	met, and told them what had happened, showing
29534	them the heads of the Magi, while at the same time
29535	they slew every Magus who fell in their way. Then
29536	the Persians, when they knew what the seven had
29537	done, and understood the fraud of the Magi, thought it
29538	but just to follow the example set them, and, drawing
29539	their daggers, they killed the Magi wherever they could
29540	find any. Such was their fury, that, unless night had
29541	closed in, not a single Magus would have been left
29542	alive. The Persians observe this day with one accord,
29543	and keep it more strictly than any other in the whole
29544	year. It is then that they hold the great festival,
29545	which they call the MagojDhonia.^ No Magus may
29546	show himself abroad during the whole time that the
29547	feast lasts; but all must remain at home the entire
29548	day.
29549	80. And now when five days were gone, and the
29550	hubbub had settled down, the conspirators met together
29551	to consult about the situation of affairs. At this meet-
29552	ing speeches were made, to which many of the Greeks
29553	give no credence, but they were made nevertheless.^
29554	^ Here for once Ctesias and our
29555	author are of accord. ■ Both speak of
29556	the festival as continuing in their own
29557	day. Ctesias says : " The feast of the
29558	Magophonia is celebrated (ciyerm) by
29559	the Persians on the day upon which
29560	Sphendadates the Magus was put to
29561	death" (Excerpt. Pers. § 15). It is
29562	certainly strange that, after the Magi an
29563	religion was combined with the Persian,
29564	and while theMagi constituted (as tlie}''
29565	certainly did by the time of Ctesias)
29566	the priest-caste of the Persian nation,
29567	this custom should have been main-
29568	tained. If, however, we remember
29569	that the reign of the Pseudo-Smerdis
29570	in Persia was not only the triumph of
29571	a religion, but also the domination for
29572	a time of the priests over the warriors,
29573	we may conceive the possibility of such
29574	a custom being still retained. It would
29575	be a perpetual warning to the priests
29576	against going beyond the line of their
29577	own functions, and trenching on the
29578	civil power.
29579	^ The incredulity of the Greeks is
29580	again alluded to (infra, vi. 43). Mo-
29581	derns have generally seen the unhis-
29582	torical character of the narrative.
29583	(Heercn, As. Nat. I. ii. p. 347 ; Thirl-
29584	wall, vol. ii. ch. xiii. ; Grote, vol. iv.
29585	]). 300 ; Bahr, ad loc, &c.) No doubt
29586	Herodotus had Persian authority for
29587	his tale ; but it is so utterly at va-
29588	riance with Oriental notions as to be
29589	absolutely incredible. It is not likely
29590	that even any debate took place as
29591	to who should be king. That point
29592	would be settled before the attack
29593	upon the usurper ; and it is probable
p. 472
29594	474
29595	THE SEVEN DEBATE.
29596	Book III.
29597	Otanes recommended that the management of pubhc
29598	affairs should be entrusted to the whole nation. " To
29599	me," he said, " it seems advisable, that we should no
29600	longer have a single man to rule over us — the rule of
29601	one is neither good nor pleasant. Ye cannot have for-
29602	gotten to what lengths Cambyses went in his haughty
29603	tyranny, and the haughtiness of the Magi ye have
29604	yourselves ex]3erienced. How indeed is it possible that
29605	monarchy should be a well-adjusted thing, when it
29606	allows a man -to do as he likes without being an-
29607	swerable ? Such licence is enough to stir strange and
29608	unwonted thoughts in the heart of the worthiest of
29609	men. Give a person this power, and straightway his
29610	manifold good things puff him up with pride, while
29611	envy is so natural to human kind that it cannot but
29612	arise in him. But pride and envy together include all
29613	wickedness ; both leading on to deeds of savage violence.
29614	True it is that kings, possessing as they do all that
29615	heart can desire, ought to be void of envy, but the con-
29616	trary is seen in their conduct towards the citizens.
29617	They are jealous of the most virtuous among their sub-
29618	jects, and wish their death ; while they take delight in
29619	the meanest and basest, being ever ready to listen to
29620	the tales of slanderers. A king, besides, is beyond all
29621	other men inconsistent with himself. Pay him court
29622	in moderation, and he is angry because you do not
29623	show him more profound resjDCct — show him jDrofound
29624	respect, and he is offended again, because (as he says)
29625	you fawn on him. But the worst of all is, that he sets
29626	aside the laws of the land, j)uts men to death without
29627	trial, and subjects women to violence. The rule of the
29628	many, on the other hand, has, in the first place, the
29629	fairest of names, to wit, isonomy ,* * and further it is free
29630	that Darius succeeded to the throne
29631	by right of birth. (See below, ch. 86,
29632	note *.) It is almost imnecessary to
29633	add that the Behistun Inscription
29634	lends no support to this part of the
29635	narrative of Herodotus.
29636	■• Modern languages have no single
29637	word to express the Greek lo-ovofiia,
p. 473
29638	Chap. 81, 82. SPEECHES OF OTANES AND MEGABYZUS. 475 »
29639	from all those outrages which a king is wont to commit.
29640	There, places are given by lot, the magistrate is answer-
29641	able for what he does, and measures rest with the
29642	commonalty. I vote, therefore, that we do away with
29643	monarchy, and raise the people to power. For the
29644	people are all in all."
29645	81. Such were the sentiments of Otanes. Mega-
29646	byzus spoke next, and advised the setting up of an
29647	oligarchy : — *' In all that Otanes has said to persuade
29648	you to put down monarchy," he observed, " I fully
29649	concur ; but his recommendation that we should call the
29650	people to power seems to me not the best advice. For
29651	there is nothing so void of understanding, nothing so
29652	full of wantonness as the unwieldy rabble. It were
29653	folly not to be borne for men, while seeking to escape
29654	the wantonness of a tyrant, to give themselves up to the
29655	wantonness of a rude unbridled mob. The tyrant, in
29656	all his doings, at least knows what he is about, but a
29657	mob is altogether devoid of knowledge ; for how should
29658	there be any knowledge in a rabble, untaught, and with
29659	no natural sense of what is right and fit ? It rushes
29660	wildly into state affairs with all the fury of a stream
29661	swollen in the winter, and confuses everything. Let
29662	the enemies of the Persians be ruled by democracies ;
29663	but let us choose out from the'citizens a certain number
29664	of the worthiest, and put the government into their
29665	hands. For thus both we ourselves shall be among the
29666	governors, and power being entrusted to the best men,
29667	it is likely that the best counsels will prevail in the
29668	state."
29669	82. This was the advice which Megabyzus gave, and
29670	after him Darius came forward, and spoke as follows : —
29671	which signified that perfect equality
29672	of all civil and political rights which
29673	was the fundamental notion of the
29674	Greek democracy. (Cf. Hermann's
29675	Manual, § 66.) Lange expresses the
29676	meaning tolerably in his " Freiheit
29677	und Gleichheit ;" but that is a phrase,
29678	and not a name. Beloe gives " equa-
29679	lity" only, and thereby loses the
29680	chief force of the original word.
29681	Larcher's " isonomie " seems to me
29682	better than either of these.
29683	VOL. II. 2 K
p. 474
29684	476 SPEECH OF DARIUS. Book III.
29685	" All that Megabyzus said against democracy was well
29686	said, I think ; but about oligarchy he did not speak
29687	advisedly ; for take these three forms of government,
29688	democracy, oligarchy, and monarchy, and let them each
29689	be at their best, I maintain that monarchy far surpasses
29690	the other two. What government can possibly be
29691	better than that of the very best man in the whole
29692	state ? The counsels of such a man are like himself,
29693	and so he governs the mass of the people to their
29694	heart's content ; while at the same time his measures
29695	against evil-doers are kept more secret than in other
29696	states. Contrariwise, in oligarchies, where men vie
29697	with each other in the service of the commonwealth,
29698	fierce enmities are apt to arise between man and man,
29699	each wishing to be leader, and to carry his own
29700	measures; whence violent quarrels come, which lead to
29701	open strife, often ending in bloodshed. Then monarchy
29702	is sure to follow ; and this too shows how far that rule
29703	surpasses all others. Again, in a democracy, it is
29704	impossible but that there will be malpractices : these
29705	malpractices, however, do not lead to enmities, but to
29706	close friendships, which are formed among those
29707	engaged in them, who must hold well together to carry
29708	on their villanies. And so things go on until a man
29709	stands forth as champion of the commonalty, and puts
29710	down the evil-doers. Straightway the author of so great
29711	a service is admired by all, and from being admired
29712	soon comes to be appointed king ; so that here too it is
29713	plain that monarchy is the best government. Lastly,
29714	to sum up all in a word, whence, I ask, was it that we
29715	got the freedom which we enjoy ? — did democracy give
29716	it us, or oligarchy, or a monarch ? As a single man
29717	recovered our freedom for us, my sentence is that we
29718	keep to the rule of one. Even apart from this, we
29719	ought not to change the laws of our forefathers when
29720	they work fairly ; for to do so, is not well."
29721	83. Such were the three opinions brought forward at
p. 475
29722	Chap. 83, 84.
29723	DECISION OF OTANES.
29724	477
29725	this meeting ; the four other Persians voted in favour
29726	of the last. Otanes, who wished to give his country-
29727	men a democracy, when he found the decision against
29728	him, arose a second time, and sj)oke thus before the
29729	assembly : — " Brother conspirators, it is plain that the
29730	king who is to be chosen will be one of ourselves,
29731	whether we make the choice by casting lots for the
29732	prize, or by letting the people decide which of us they
29733	will have to rule over them, or in any other way.
29734	Now, as I have neither a mind to rule nor to be ruled,
29735	I shall not enter the lists with you in this matter.
29736	I withdraw, however, on one condition — none of you
29737	shall claim to exercise rule over me or my seed for
29738	ever." The six agreed to these terms, and Otanes
29739	withdrew and stood aloof from the contest. And still
29740	to this day the family of Otanes continues to be the
29741	only free family in Persia ; those who belong to it sub-
29742	mit to the rule of the king only so far as they them-
29743	selves choose ; they are bounds however, to observe the
29744	laws of the land like the other Persians.^
29745	84. After this the six took counsel together, as to
29746	the fairest way of setting up a king : and first, with
29747	respect to Otanes, they resolved, that if any of their
29748	own number got the kingdom, Otanes and his seed
29749	* This statement of Herodotus can
29750	scarcely have been ■without a ground-
29751	work of truth. The family of Otanes
29752	must have stood in his time upon a
29753	higher footing than any other family
29754	in Persia. If, however, the whole story
29755	of the debate be, as seems certain, a
29756	fiction, we must look for some other
29757	origin of this house's privileges. It
29758	may be found, perhaps, in its supe-
29759	rior rank, and old connexion with
29760	the royal house of the Acha?menida;.
29761	Otanes, as has been already shown
29762	(v. s. ch. 68, n. ■*), was descended from
29763	Pharnaces, king of Cappadocia, and
29764	Atossa, daughter of Cambyses, great-
29765	gi-andfather of Cyrus the Great. His
29766	daughter Pha^dima (Fatima ?) was
29767	married to Cambyses (supra, ch. 68),
29768	and became successively the wife of the
29769	Pseudo-Smerdis, and of Darius (infra,
29770	ch. 88). No other noble familj- in
29771	Persia is found so early connected
29772	with the reigning branch of the family
29773	of the Achwmenida?. Thus the great-
29774	ness of this house dates from before the
29775	conspiracy ; and though undoubtedly
29776	a very prominent part was taken by
29777	Otanes in the struggle (evidenced by
29778	the place his name occupies in the
29779	lists of Herodotus, Ctesias, and the
29780	Eehistun Inscription), yet it may be
29781	doubted whether any new rank de-
29782	volved upon his family in consequence.
29783	The continued greatness of his house
29784	is indicated by the fact that Xerxes
29785	married his gi-anddaus:hter, Amestris.
29786	(Ctesias, Exc. Pers. §20.)
29787	2 K 2
p. 476
29788	478 PRIVILEGES OF THE SIX PERSIANS. Book III.
29789	after him should receive year by year, as a mark of
29790	special honour, a Median robe,® and all such other gifts
29791	as are accounted the most honourable in Persia. And
29792	these they resolved to give him, because he was the
29793	man who first planned the outbreak, and who brought
29794	the seven together. These privileges, therefore, were
29795	assigned specially to Otanes. The following were
29796	made common to them all : — It was to be free to each,
29797	whenever he pleased, to enter the palace unannounced,
29798	unless the king were in the company of one of his
29799	wives ; and the king was to be bound to marry into no
29800	family excepting those of the conspirators.^ Concerning
29801	the appointment of a king, the resolve to which they
29802	came was the following : — They would ride out together
29803	next morning into the skirts of the city, and he whose
29804	steed first neighed after the sun was up should have
29805	the kingdom.
29806	85. Now Darius had a groom, a sharp-witted knave,
29807	called OEbares. After the meeting had broken up,
29808	Darius sent for him, and said, " (Ehares, this is the way
29809	in which the king is to be chosen — we are to mount
29810	our horses, and the man whose horse first neighs after
29811	the sun is up is to have the kingdom. If then you
29812	have any cleverness, contrive a plan whereby the
29813	prize may fall to us, and not go to another." " Truly,
29814	master," ffibares answered, "if it depends on this
29815	whether thou shalt be king or no, set thine heart at
29816	ease, and fear nothing : I have a charm which is sure
29817	^ The Median robe has been already
29818	described (v. s. i. 135, note ^). Hero-
29819	dotus gives another instance of the
29820	gifts of honour in the East. (Gen.
29821	xlv. 22 ; 2 Kings v. 5 ; 2 Chron. ix.
29822	24, &c.) The practice continues in
29823	practice of presenting this robe as a gift \| the kaftan of the jiresent day.
29824	of honour (infra, vii. 116). Xenophon
29825	makes Cyrus present Median garments
29826	to his chief friends (Cyrop. viii. i. 40).
29827	The Median garment was so usually
29828	given by the Persian kings, that in
29829	later times it got the name of 8copo-
29830	(popiKT). (See ^Elian. V. H. i. xsii.
29831	and Hesych. ad voc.)
29832	Garments have at all times l)een
29833	^ So far as can be traced this rule
29834	was always observed. Darius, besides
29835	his wives from the family of the Alc-
29836	mreonidjB, married Pha^dima, daughter
29837	of Otanes, and a daughter of Gobryas
29838	(infra, vii. 2). Xerxes took to wife
29839	Amestris, daughter of Onophas, the
29840	son of Otanes. (Ctes. Exc. Pers.
29841	§20.)

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