Rawlinson – History of Herodotus, a new English version, vol. 2 (London: Murray 1858) — archive.org text layer

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Attribution: Rawlinson – History of Herodotus, a new English version, vol. 2 (London: Murray 1858); public domain in Canada (death years verified: G. Rawlinson d.1902 (https://archive.org/metadata/historyofherodot02herouoft LC heading 1812-1902; https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q1355998); co-authors H. C. Rawlinson d.1895 (https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q309602), J. G. Wilkinson d.1875 (https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q923032) — staged at corpus/incoming/histories/historians/herodotus-histories-ii/historyofherodot02herouoft.pdf from https://archive.org/details/historyofherodot02herouoft (HIST-1, 2026-09-29)); OCR text by the Kemetic project, Yousef Hanna 2026.

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p. 477
29842Chap. 85-88. CONTRFV' AXCE OF CEBARES. 479
29843not to fail." " If tlioii hast really aught of the kind,"
29844said Darius, " hasten to get it ready. The matter does
29845not hrook delay, for the trial is to be to-morrow." So
29846(Ebares when he heard that, did as follows : — When
29847night came, he took one of the mares, the chief favourite
29848of the horse which Darius rode, and tethering it in the
29849suburb, brought his master's horse to the place ; then,
29850after leading him round and round the mare several
29851times, nearer and nearer at each circuit, he ended by
29852letting them come together.
2985386. And now, when the morning broke, the six
29854Persians, according to agreement, met together on
29855horseback, and rode out to the suburb. As they went
29856along they neared the spot where the mare was
29857tethered the night before, whereupon the horse of
29858Darius sprang forward and neighed. Just at the same
29859time, though the sky was clear and lu'ight, there was
29860a flash of lightning, followed by a thunder-clap. It
29861seemed as if the heavens conspired with Darius, and
29862hereby inaugurated him king : so the five other nobles
29863leaped with one accord from their steeds, and bowed
29864down before him and owned him for their king.^
2986587. This is the account which some of the Persians
29866gave of the contrivance of ffibares ; but there are
29867others who relate the matter differently. They say
29868that in the morning he stroked the mare with his hand,
29869which he then hid in his trousers until the sun rose
29870and the horses were about to start, when he suddenly
29871drew his hand forth and put it to the nostrils of his
29872master's horse, which immediately snorted and neighed.
2987388. Thus was Darius, son of Hystaspes, appointed
29874king ; and, except the Arabians, all they of Asia were
29875It has been already observed that
29876Darius probably succeeded to the
29877throne by right of birth. Failing the
29878line of Cyrus, which (it is plain) was
29879menids (Book vii. ch. 11, note).
29880Of course, if this view be correct,
29881Hystaspes was the rightful heir ; but,
29882as his years prevented him from
29883now extinct, the line of Darius (so far undertaking the post of leader in the
29884as we can tell) was next in succession, conspiracy, he would naturally cede
29885See the genealogical tree of the Achae- ^ his rights to his sou.
p. 478
29886480
29887DABIUS BECOMES KING.
29888Book III,
29889subject to him ; for Cyrus, and after him Cambyses,®
29890had brought them all under. The Arabians were
29891never subject as slaves to the Persians, but had a
29892league of friendship with them from the time when
29893they brought Cambyses on his way as he went into
29894Egypt ; for had they been unfriendly the Persians
29895could never have made their invasion.
29896Darius married, first of all,^ the following women,
29897who were all of them Persians, namely, two daughters
29898of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone ; of these, Atossa had
29899been twice married before, once to Cambyses, her
29900brother, and once to the Magus ; the other, Artystone,
29901was a virgin. He married also Parmys, daughter of
29902Smerdis, son of Cyrus ; and he likewise took to wife
29903the daughter of Otanes, who had made the discovery
29904about the Magus. And now when his power was
29905established firmly throughout all the kingdoms, the
29906first thing that he did was to set up a carving in stone,
29907which showed a man mounted upon a horse, with an
29908inscription in these words following : — " Darius, son of
29909Hystaspes, by aid of his good horse" (here followed
29910the horse's name), " and of his good groom QEbares,
29911got himself the kingdom of the Persians."^
29912^ The Phoenicians and Cyprians
29913would be here alluded to — perhaps
29914also the Cilicians. There is no direct
29915evidence at what time Cilicia became
29916subject to Persia. It was a free state
29917in the time of Crcesus (i. 28) ; it ap-
29918pears nest as a satrapy under Darius
29919(infra, ch. 90).
29920' Darius had married a daughter of
29921Gobryas before his accession (vii. 2).
29922He also took to wife his niece, Phrata-
29923giine, the daughter of his brother
29924Artanes (vii. 224). Still the idea of
29925De Hammer, that Mahomet's institu-
29926tion of four wives was derived from
29927an ancient custom of the Oriental
29928nations (Hist. Osman. i. p. 565), may
29929be correct. And this may be an
29930instance of the practice. For the
29931dauijhter of Gobryas may have been
29932dead before the accession of Darius,
29933and he may not have married Phrata-
29934gune till after the death of one of the
29935four wives mentioned in the text.
29936^ Herodotus had probably not seen
29937this figure, but received the account
29938of it which he transmits, and the ex-
29939planation of the inscription, from
29940others. Perhaps his informants had
29941no means of reading the writing, for
29942the sculpture, like those at Behistun,
29943may have been placed at an inacces-
29944sible height. The story of ffibares,
29945which must be regarded as a genuine
29946Persian legend, probably arose out of
29947the work of art. Dr. Donaldson in a
29948very ingenious paper (Journ. of As,
29949Soc. vol. xvi. part i. pp. 1-7) has
29950endeavoured to restore the actual in-
29951scription from the account of Hero-
29952dotus. He regards the supposed groom
29953as Ormuzd, and the name (Ebares as
p. 479
29954Chap, 89.
29955FORMATION OF THE SATRAPIES.
29956481
2995789. This he set up in Persia, and afterwards he
29958proceeded to establish twenty governments of the kind
29959which the Persians call satrapies,^ assigning to each its
29960governor, and fixing the tribute which was to be paid
29961him by the several nations. And generally he joined
29962together in one satrapy the nations that were neigh-
29963bours, but sometimes he passed over the nearer tribes,
29964and put in their stead those which were more remote.*
29965The following is an account of these governments, and
29966of the yearly tribute which they paid to the king : —
29967Such as brought their tribute in silver were ordered to
29968pay according to the Babylonian talent ; while the
29969Euboic was the standard measure for such as brought
29970gold. Now the Babylonian talent contains seventy
29971Euboic minee.^ During all the reign of Cyrus, and
29972arising from the Persian word frdhara
29973(= dedit), w-liich is common in the
29974sculptures (Beliist. Ins., Col. i. Par. 9,
29975§ 2, &c.). But it may be doubted
29976•whether he has sufficient data for the
29977conclusions which he draws.
29978Curiously enough, another Persian
29979legend, found in Nicholas of Da-
29980mascus (Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol. iii. p.
29981400, et seqq.), assigns a prominent
29982part in the original elevation of the
29983Acha;menida3, by the successes of
29984Cyrus, to an Q^^bares. Here too we
29985find the etymology of the name
29986correctly given, as dya^ayyeXos, " the
29987bearer of good tidings." Tliis latter is
29988probably the (Ebares of Ctesias (§ 2-5).
29989' The word " satrap" is found twice
29990in the great inscription at Behistun
29991(Col. iii. par. 3, § 4, and par. 9, § 2).
29992It is spelt " Jchshatrapd," The de-
29993rivation is undoubtedly khshatram,
29994" crown" or " empire," andp«(Sans.
29995Ml Pers. (jm\,_ or ^^L), " keeper,
29996preserver." The satraps'are the great
29997" upholders of the crown," and the
29998provinces take their name of satrapy
29999from them. (See Col. Rawlinson's
30000Vocabulary of the Ancient Persian
30001Language, p. 116.)
30002* See A^apendix, Essay ii. " On the
30003Persian System of Administration and
30004Government," p. 547.
30005* Standards of weight probably
30006passed into Greece from Asia, whence
30007the word mina (fiva, comp.Heb. >^?.^)
30008seems certainly to have been derived.
30009That the standard known to the
30010Greeks as the Euboic was an Asiatic
30011one, is plain from this passage. The
30012old Attic, which bore so remarkable
30013a jwoportion to it, must have had the
30014same origin. We may trace the exist-
30015ence of three standards in early times,
30016proportioned to each other as 8, 7,
30017and 6. The first is the original Attic,
30018which is identical with the Eginetan ;
30019the second is the Babylonian ; and tlie
30020third the Euboic. If the ancient Attic
30021is reckoned as 100, the Babylonian will
30022be 87'5, and the Euboic 75. Hence
30023it will be true to say, with Herodotus,
30024that the Babylonian talent contains
3002570 Euboic min£e instead of 60, or is
30026to the Euboic as 7 to 6 (for 87-5 : 75
30027exactly as 7:6); and with ^lian
30028(V. H. i. 22), that the Babylonian
30029talent contains 72 Attic minse, or is
30030to the latei' Attic talent as 6 ; 5. For
30031the later Attic talent stood to the
30032older as 73 to 100 (Plut. Sol. c. 15),
30033and 87"5 : 73 almost exactly as 6 : 5.
30034Bockh has shown (Econ. of Athens
30035i. p. 193) how tins awkward propor-
30036tion of the later to the earlier Attic
30037talent arose //'om an accident, Solon
p. 480
30038482
30039CHARACTER OF THE FIRST THREE KIXGS. Book HI.
30040afterwards when Cambyses ruled, there were no fixed
30041tributes, but the nations severally brought gifts to the
30042king. On account of this and other like doings, the
30043Persians say that Darius was a huckster, Cambyses
30044a master, and Cyrus a father ; for Darius looked to
30045making a gain in everything ; Cambyses w^as harsh
30046and reckless ; while Cyrus was gentle, and procured
30047them all manner of goods.
3004890. The lonians, the Magnesians of Asia,® the
30049Cohans, the Carians, the Lycians, the Milyans,^ and
30050the Pamphylians, paid their tribute in a single sum,
30051which was fixed at four hundred talents of silver.
30052These formed together the first satrapy.
30053The Mysians, Lydians, Lasonians,^ Cabalians, and
30054Hygennians^ paid the sum of five hundred talents.
30055This was the second satrapy.
30056having intended to assimilate the Attic
30057standard to the Eiiboic. Properly
30058there were but two distinct standards
30059in Greece — the original Attic (which
30060continued as the commercial standard
30061at Athens), and was also known as the
30062Eginetan, and the Euboic, or Asiatic
30063gold standard, from which the later
30064Attic was an accidental deviation.
30065The Babylonian weights discovered
30066by Mr. Layard (Nineveh and Babylon,
30067p. 601) agree fairly with this estimate.
30068They furnish a mina of somewhat
30069more than 16 oz. Troy, or nearly
3007018 oz. avoirduiDois, which stands to the
30071Attic raina of 151 oz., nearly in the
30072proportion required. There is a slight
30073deficiency on theBaby Ionian side, which
30074may be accounted for by the greater
30075waste of the more ancient metal.
30076If the (later) Attic talent was worth
30077243Z. 15s. of our money, the Euboic
30078(silver) talent would be 250Z. 8s. od.,
30079and the Babylonian 292Z. 3s. M.
30080^ There were two towns of the
30081name of Magnesia in Asia Minor,
30082Magnesia under Sipylus and Mag-
30083nesia on the ^la^ander. (See note * on
30084Book i. ch. 161.) Both were situated
30085inland, and had the character of Pe-
30086lasgic cities. They were built proba-
30087bly by that indigenous Pelasgic po-
30088pulation to which the ISIaJonians also
30089belonged. They would therefore be
30090earlier than any of the Greek colonies
30091upon the coast. Herodotus here dis-
30092tinguishes them from the Magnesians
30093of Europe (infra, vii. 132, &c.), a
30094Thessalian people, who were possibly
30095of the same race.
30096' Vide supra, i. 173. The Milyans
30097are reckoned as a separate people also
30098by Ephorus. (Fragm. Hist. Gr, vol. i.
30099p. 258.)
30100^ In the seventh Book (ch. 77) He-
30101rodotus identifies the Cabalians and
30102the Lasonians. According to that
30103passage, both Cabalians and Laso-
30104nians would appear to have been Ma;-
30105onians, remnants of the ancient people
30106expelled by the conquering Lydians.
30107Probably they occupied the high tract
30108between Lydia and Lycia, which is
30109ascribed commonly to Phrygia. The
30110Cabalians appear to have extended
30111into Lycia, occuppng there the high
30112plain between Milyas and the valley
30113of the Xanthus. (See Appendix to
30114Book i. Essay ii. § 8, v.)
30115~ * The Hvgennians are not men-
30116tioned by any other author, whence
30117Valckenaer proposed, instead of Aa-
30118(Toviav, Koi Ka^aXicov, kol 'Yyeweoiv, to
30119read Aacroi'iuiv tou' Kai Ka^aXiuv KoXtv-
p. 481
30120Chap. 90, 91. EXTENT AND LIMITS OF THE SATRAPIES. 483
30121The Hellespontians, of the right coast as one enters
30122the straits, the Phrygians, the Asiatic Thracians, the
30123Paphlagonians, the Mariandynians, and the Syrians^"
30124paid a tribute of three hundred and sixty talents. This
30125was the third satrapy.
30126The CiHcians gave three hundred and sixty white
30127horses, one for each day in the year,^ and five hundred
30128talents of silver. Of this sum one hundred and forty
30129talents went to pay the cavalry which guarded the
30130country, while the remaining three hundred and sixty
30131were received by Darius. This was the fourth satrapy.
3013291. The country reaching from the city of Posideium^
30133(built by Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraiis, on the con-
30134fines of Syria and Cilicia) to the borders of Egypt, exclud-
30135ing therefrom a district which belonged to Arabia, and
30136was free from tax,^ paid a tribute of three hundred and
30137fifty talents. All Phoenicia, Palsestine Syria, and Cy-
30138prus, were herein contained. This was the fifth satrapy.
30139From Egypt, and the neighbouring parts of Libya,
30140together with the towns of Cyrene and Barca, which
30141belonged to the Egyptian satrapy, the tribute which
30142came in was seven hundred talents. These seven
30143hundred talents did not include the profits of the
30144fisheries of Lake Moeris,* nor the corn furnished to the
30145troops at Memphis. Corn was supplied to 120,000
30146Persians, who dwelt at Memphis in the quarter called
30147the White Castle,^ and to a number of auxiliaries.
30148This was the sixth satrapy.
30149fjieva)v. It is possible that the reading
30150ought to be 'Yrewecoi'(T having become
30151r), and that the people of Etenna, a
30152town in Pisidia (Polj^b. v. 73), are in-
30153tended. (See the Museum Philolog.
30154vol. i. p. 634.)
30155'" That is, the Cappadocians. (Vide
30156supra, i. 72.)
30157' Compare i. 32, and ii. 4.
30158* Poside'ium lay about 12 miles
30159south of the embouchure of the Oron-
30160tes. It is mentioned by Strabo (xvi,
30161town of Bosyt preserves the name.
30162Syria was usually considered to begin
30163at the southern extremity of the gulf
30164of Issus, nearly half a degree north of
30165Poside'ium.
30166^ The district here spoken of is
30167that between Gaza (Cadytis) and Je-
30168nysus (vide supra, ch. 5), which Cam-
30169byses traversed on his road to Egypt.
30170Concerning the exemption of the
30171Arabs from tribute, vide infra, ch. 97.
30172* See n. B. ii. ch. 149.
30173p. 1103, and p. 1127). The modern I * Vide supra, ch. 13, note.
p. 482
30174484
30175EXTENT AND LIMITS OF THE SATEAPIES. Book III.
30176The Sattagjdians,^ the Gandarians, the Dadicee, and
30177the Aparjtse, who were all reckoned together, paid a
30178trihute of a hundred and seventy talents. This was
30179the seventh satrapy.
30180Susa, and the other parts of Cissia, paid three hundred
30181talents. This was the eighth satrapy.
3018292. From Babylonia, and the rest of Assyria, were
30183drawn a thousand talents of silver, and five hundred
30184boy-eunuchs. This was the ninth satrapy.
30185Agbatana, and the other parts of Media, together with
30186the Paricanians,'^ and Orthocorybantes/ paid in all four
30187hundred and fifty talents. This was the tenth satrapy.
30188The Caspians, Pausicae,® Pantimathi, and Darita?,
30189v/ere joined in one government, and paid the sum of
30190two hundred talents. This w^as the eleventh satrapy.
30191From the Bactrian tribes as far as the ^gli,^ the
30192tribute received was three hundred and sixty talents.
30193This was the twelfth satrapy.
3019493. From Pactyica,^ Armenia, and the countries
30195reaching thence to the Euxine, the sum drawn was
30196four hundred talents. This was the thirteenth satrapy.
30197The Sagartians, Sarangians, Thamana^ans,^ Utians,*
30198^ This is the only mention of the
30199Pattagydians in any classical %vTiter.
30200They appear, however, in the inscrip-
30201tions of Darius as Thatagush (Beh.
30202Ins. Col. i. par. 6, § 4 ; Persep. Ins.
30203No. 4, line 17 ; Kakhsh-i-Eustam Ins.
30204line 24), and evidently lie towards the
30205extreme east. The Gandarians and
30206Dadicaj are mentioned again (vii. 66).
30207The Aparyta; are unknown.
30208' The Para?taceni are perhaps meant
30209here. Tliey were often regarded as
30210distinct from the Medes. (See App. to
30211Book i. Essay x. § 10, iv.) Or the
30212Paricanians may, as Mr. C. MuUer
30213thinks, be the Hyrcanians. (See the
30214Map of the Satrapies in Vol. III..)
302158 No writer but Herodotus mentions
30216the Orthocorybantes.
30217' T\\e Pausica? are perhajis the
30218Pfesiani of Strabo (xi. p. 744) and the
30219Pa>sicJB of Pliny (H. N. ^•i. 19). The
30220Pantimathi and Daritas are un-
30221known.
302221 The -lEgli are probably the Avya-
30223Xot of Ptolemy (vi. 12), whom he
30224places on the Jaxartes, and perhaps
30225the A"yT]\oi mentioned by Stephen as
30226" a Median nation." I am indebted
30227to Mr. C. Miiller for the further con-
30228jecture that they are the Alya'ioi
30229(which he would read AlyXol) of the
30230Paschal Chronicle (p. 321). This
30231passage is thought to fix their posi-
30232tion to the site of Alexandria eschata.
302332 This Pacty'ica must be distin-
30234gTiished from the region of the same
30235name on the Upper Indus (infra, ch.
30236102, and iv. 44). It iiudoubtedly ad-
30237joined Armenia.
30238' Agathias has a Kco^t; Oafiavav in
30239the Kurdish mountains (iv.29). Other-
30240wise no writer but Herodotus mentions
30241the Thamanfeans. Their name seems
p. 483
30242Chap. 92-94. EXTENT AND LIMITS OF THE SATAPRIS.
30243485
30244and Mycians,^ together with the inhabitants of the
30245islands in the Erythraean sea, where the king sends
30246those whom he banishes, furnished altogether a tribute
30247of six hundred talents. This was the fourteenth satrapy.
30248The Sacans and Caspians gave two hundred and
30249fifty talents. This was the fifteenth satrapy.
30250The Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Arians,
30251gave three hundred. This was the sixteenth satrapy.
3025294. The Paricanians and Ethiopians of Asia fur-
30253nished a tribute of four hundred talents. This was the
30254seventeenth satrapy.
30255The Matienians, Saspeires, and Alarodians were
30256rated to pay two himdred talents. This was the eigh-
30257teenth satrapy.
30258The Moschi, Tibareni, Macrones, Mosynoeci, and
30259Mares had to pay three hundred talents. This was the
30260nineteenth satrapy.
30261The Indians, who are more numerous than any other
30262nation with which we are acquainted, paid a tribute
30263exceeding that of every other people, to wit, three hun-
30264dred and sixty talents of gold-dust. This was the
30265twentieth satrapy.®
30266to linger in that of the modern Ty-
30267munees, whom the maps place in the
30268vicinity of Herat. Herodotus again
30269refers to them (infra, ch. 117).
30270* The Utians are perhaps the
30271Uxians of Strabo (xi. p. 1032) and
30272Arrian (Exp. Alex. iii. 17), who
30273dwelt in the Bakhtiyari mountains.
30274^ No other writer, if we except
30275Stephen, mentions the Mycians or
30276Mecians. They appear, however, in
30277the Inscriptions as MaJca, and their
30278name is, perhaps, to be recognised in
30279the modem Mekran.
30280® It is interesting to compare with
30281this enumeration the three authentic
30282lists of the Persian provinces which
30283are contained in the Inscriptions of
30284Darius. They are as follows : —
30285At Behistun. At Persepolis. At Nakhsh-i-Rustam.
30286Persia Susiana. Media
30287Susiana Media Susiana
30288At Behistun. At Persepolis. At ya!cksh-i-Rustam.
30289Babj-lonia
30290Babylonia
30291Parthia
30292Assyria
30293Arabia
30294Aria
30295Arabia
30296Assyria
30297Bactria
30298Egypt
30299Egypt
30300Sogdiana
30301Saparda
30302Armenia
30303C'borasmia
30304Ionia
30305Cappadocia
30306Zarangia
30307Media
30308Saparda
30309Arachosia
30310Annenia
30311Ionia
30312Sattagydia
30313Cappaducia
30314*Sagartia
30315Gandaria
30316Parlhia
30317Parthia
30318India
30319Zarangia
30320Zarangia
30321Sacia (2)
30322Aria
30323Aria
30324Babylonia
30325Cbora>mia
30326Bactria
30327Assyria
30328Bactria
30329Sogdiana
30330Arabia
30331Sogdiana
30332Chorasmia
30333Egypt
30334Gandaria
30335Sattagydia
30336Armenia
30337Sacia
30338Arachosia
30339Cappadocia
30340Sattagydia
30341*India
30342Saparda
30343Arachosia
30344Gandaria
30345Ionia
30346Mecia
30347Sacia
30348•Sacia
30349Mecia
30350•The Islands
30351(Cyclades?)
30352*The Scodra; (?)
30353*Ionia
30354N.B. The provinces marked
30355*rhe Tacabri (?)
30356with an asterisli are not *The Budians
30357included
30358in the earlier
30359*The Ethiopians
30360lists..
30361*The Mardians (?)
30362*rhe Carchians
p. 484
30363486
30364AMOUNT OF THE TRIBUTE.
30365Book III.
3036695. If the Babylonian money here spoken of be
30367reduced to the Euboic scale, it will make nine thousand
30368five hundred and forty such talents ; and if the gold be
30369reckoned at thirteen times the worth of silver,^ the
30370Indian gold-dust will come to four thousand six hun-
30371dred and eighty talents. Add these two amounts to-
30372gether, and the whole revenue which came in to Darius
30373year by year will be found to be in Euboic money
30374fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty talents, not to
30375mention parts of a talent.^
3037696. Such was the revenue which Darius derived
30377from Asia and a small part of Libya. Later in his
30378reign the sum was increased by the tribute of the
30379islands, and of the nations of Europe as far as Thessaly.
30380The great king stores away the tribute which he
30381receives^ after this fashion — he melts it down, and
303827 In Greece the relative value of
30383gold varied at different times. Hero-
30384dotus says gold was to silver as 13 to
303851, afterwards in Plato and Xenophon's
30386time (and more than 100 years after
30387the death of Alexander) it was 10 to
303881, owing to the quantity of gold
30389brought in through the Persian war.
30390It long continued at 10 to 1 (Liv,
30391xxxviii. 11) except when an accident
30392altered the projwrtion of those metals.
30393In the time of Theodosius II. it
30394was as 18 to 1 ; and in the middle
30395ages and 16th century 11 and 12 to 1.
30396Before the discovery of America 11 and
3039710 to 1 in England ; and after great
30398fluctuations, it was in Newton's time
3039916 to 1, becoming at length 14$ to 1 in
30400our oAvn days, before the discoveries
30401in California and Australia. — ^G. W.]
30402^ It is impossible to reconcile He-
30403rodotus's numbers, and equally im-
30404possible to say where the mistake
30405lies. According to the items of his
30406account the sum total of the silver I
30407amounts to 7740 Babylonian talents.
30408This would equal 9030 Euboic ta- '
30409lents ; instead of which he gives, in
30410his present test, 9540 ; being an ex- :
30411cess over the items of 510 E" talents, j
30412Again, having stated the silver to
30413amount to 9540 E. talents, and the
30414gold-dust to be equal to 4680 E. ta-
30415lents (a correct estimate on his pre-
30416mises), he gives the whole amount as
3041714,560 instead of 14,220 E. talents;
30418so that again he is in excess, this time,
30419by 340 talents. Thus we seem to
30420have a double error, which it is quite
30421impossible to remedy.
30422Taking the lowest estimate which
30423his numbers allow (13,710 E, talents),
30424the annual revenue of Persia was about
30425three millions and a half of our money.
30426The higher estimate would raise it to
30427about 3,646,000?. The present revenue
30428of the Persian empire is estimated
30429at something more than 3,000,0007.
30430(Kinneir's Persia, p. 47). But it must
30431be remembered in any comparison be-
30432tween the resources of Ancient Persia
30433and of modem countries, that the
30434ancient money revenue corresponds
30435to the modern Civil List, since it
30436simply served to defray the expenses
30437of the Court.
30438* Arrian relates that Alexander
30439found 50,000 talents of silver laid up
30440in store at Susa, when he took that
30441city. (Exited. Alex. ni. xvi.) There
30442were further stores in Persepolis and
30443Pasargada; (ibid. x\iii.). On the Per-
30444sian coinage, see notes on Book iv.
30445ch. 166, and Book vii. ch. 28.
p. 485
30446Chap. 95-97.
30447TREASURE STORED IN INGOTS.
30448487
30449while it is in a liquid state runs it into earthen vessels,
30450which are afterwards removed, leaving the metal in a
30451solid mass. When money is wanted, he coins as much
30452of this bullion as the occasion requires.
3045397. Such then were the governments, and such the
30454amounts of tribute at which they were assessed respect-
30455ively. Persia alone has not been reckoned among the
30456tributaries — and for this reason, because the country
30457of the Persians is altogether exempt from tax. The
30458following peoples paid no settled tribute, but brought
30459gifts to the king : first, the Ethiopians bordering upon
30460Egypt,^" who were reduced by Cambyses when he made
30461war on the long-lived Ethiopians, and who dwell about
30462the sacred city of Nysa,^ and have festivals in honour
30463of Bacchus. The grain on which they and their next
30464neighbours feed is the same as that used by the
30465Calantian Indians.^ Their dwelling houses are under-
30466ground.^ Every third year these two nations brought
30467— and they still bring to my day — two choenices of
30468virgin gold, two hundred logs of ebony,* five Ethiopian
30469'" These were the inhabitants of
30470Lower Ethiopia and Nubia. Ebony
30471(habni. Eg. ; ebnoos, Arab.) and ivory
30472(" ah,'' " ebo," Eg.) had always been
30473brought as a tribute to the Egyptian
30474monarchs of the 18th and other dy-
30475nasties, as well as rings and ingots of
30476gold and silver, with various produc-
30477tions of the country and of the inte-
30478rior of Africa, apes, giraffes, skins of
30479leopards, and even cattle and hounds.
30480— [G. W.]
30481' Vide supra, ii. 146, note *.
304822 Vide supra, ch. 38. note ■*. As
30483nothing has been said about the grain
30484eaten by the Calantians, various
30485emendations have been proposed.
30486Valckenaer would read a-fjfiuTi for
30487(TTvepjjiaTi, Wesseling epy/xari. Hence
30488Larcher's " coutumes a I'egard des
30489morts" and Lange's " Todtenhrciuche.'"
30490But there seems to be no sufiScient
30491reason for departing from the reading
30492of the MSS. The grain intended is
30493probably rice.
30494" This notion probably arose from
30495their having mud huts, so common in
30496central Africa, and was the origin of
30497the story and name of the Troglodytee,
30498who lived between Nubia and the Red
30499Sea.— [G. W.]
30500* They not only brought logs of
30501ebony, with other ornamental woods
30502and elephants' teeth, as tribute to the
30503Pharaohs, bat used ebony clubs in
30504battle (No. II.) which exactly resemble
30505No. I.
p. 486
30506488
30507GIFTS OF THE ETHIOPIANS A^^D OTHEES. Book III.
30508boys, and twenty elephant tusks. The Colchians, and
30509the neighbouring tribes who dwell between them and
30510the Caucasus — for so far the Persian rule reaches, while
30511north of the Caucasus no one fears them any longer —
30512undertook to furnish a gift, which in my day was still
30513brought every fifth year, consisting of a hundred boys,
30514and the same number of maidens.^ The Arabs brought
30515every year a thousand talents of frankincense. Such
30516were the gifts which the king received over and above
30517the tribute-money.
3051898. The way in which the Indians get the plentiful
30519supply of gold, which enables them to furnish year by
30520year so vast an amount of gold-dust to the king is the
30521following : — Eastward of India lies a tract which is
30522entirely sand. Indeed of all the inhabitants of Asia,
30523concerning whom anything certain is known, the
30524Indians dwell the nearest to the east, and the rising of
30525the sun. Beyond them the whole country is desert on
30526(mentioned in n, B. vii. ch. 69, wood-
30527cut No. II.) is one of a lighter kind
30528used by the modern Ethiopians in
30529dromedary-riding. This is also seen
30530in the hands of royal attendants in
30531the old sculptures. Some Ethiopian
30532dandies have this light lissdn covered
30533with alternate bands of red, blue, and
30534gi-een cloth, and a net-work of brass
30535wire.-HiG.W.l
30536' It is curious to find the practice
30537of exporting their children so ancient
30538in these regions. Circassia still sup-
30539plies wives to almost all the wealthy
30540Turks, and the Mamelukes are said
30541to have been composed entirely of
30542those who had been brought when
30543young from the same country. (See
30544Rennell's Geography of Herodotus, p.
30545525, note.)
30546No. II.
30547those they have at the present day,
305481 ft. 6 in. long (No. III. 1 & 2).
30549Besides the modem club called lissdn
30550No. III.
p. 487
30551Chap. 98, 99.
30552CUSTOMS OF THE INDIANS.
30553489
30554account of the sand.^ The tribes of Indians are nume-
30555rous, and do not all speak the same language '' — some
30556are wandering tribes, others not. They who dwell in
30557the marshes along the river,^ live on raw fish, which
30558they take in boats made of reeds, each formed out of a
30559single joint.^ These Indians wear a dress of sedge,
30560which they cut in the river and bruise ; afterwards
30561they weave it into mats, and wear it as we wear a
30562breast-plate.
3056399. Eastward of these Indians are another tribe,
30564called Pad^ans,^" who are wanderers, and live on raw
30565* The India of Herodotus is the
30566ti'ue ancient India (the Hapta Hendic
30567of the Vendidad), the region ahout
30568the Upper Indus, best known to us at
30569present under the name of the Punj-
30570aub. Herodotus knows nothing of
30571the great southern peninsula. Pro-
30572bably, therefore, the desert of which
30573he speaks as extending indefinitely
30574eastward, is the vast elevated sandy
30575tract lying north of the Himalaya,
30576between that range and the Tchien
30577Chan chain, which stretches in a
30578direction a little north of east, from
30579Cashmere to the longitude of Pekin,
30580a distance of above 2000 miles. This
30581tract includes the great desert of Cobi
30582or Shamoo. (See Humboldt's Aspects
30583of Nature, vol. i. pp. 74-5, E. T.)
30584^ The Hindoo races are supposed to
30585have been settled in India as early as
305861200 B.C. ; which is the date assigned
30587to the Vedas, though these appear not
30588to be all of one period. Some limit their
30589date to 880 b.c. Having advanced
30590from Central Asia through Cabul, the
30591Hindoos established themselves on the
30592Indus (Sindlm, " the river ") and
30593throughout the Penj-ab (" five waters"
30594or " streams "), whence they gradually
30595extended their conquests southward ;
30596and they had already conquered most
30597of the aboriginal tribes before the
30598time of Herodotus.
30599The language of the Hindoos differs
30600entirely from those of the aborigines ;
30601and the relationship of the Sanscrit to
30602the Zend of ancient Persia, and to the
30603Greek, Teutonic, and other European
30604languages, accords well with their
30605common origin from Central Asia.
30606The Vedas are ■«Titteu in a dialect of
30607an older type than the Sanscrit, and
30608still nearer to the Zend of the Avesta.
30609The aborigines are still found in
30610Ceylon and in Southern India as well
30611as in the hill-country in other parts ;
30612and their customs differ as much as
30613their languages from those of the
30614Hindoos. They are supposed to be of
30615Scythian origin ; and if, as some
30616think, there is an analogy between
30617their languages (as the Tamul and
30618others) and the Semitic dialects, this
30619may be explained by their relationship
30620to the parent tongue before its sepa-
30621ration into Arian and Semitic, as in
30622the case of the Egyptian (see n. ch. 2,
30623Bk, ii, in Ap. ch. i.) They have no
30624castes ; but this institution is even
30625thought to have been unknown to the
30626Hindoos when they first settled in
30627India ; and is the result of conquest.
30628They are first mentioned by Mega-
30629sthenes B.C. 302.— [G. W.]
30630" By " the river " is meant the
30631Indus. It does not appear that He-
30632rodotus was aware of the existence of
30633the Ganges, which only became known
30634to the Greeks by the expedition of
30635Alexander. (Cf. Strabo, book xv.)
30636* So Pliny : " Arundini quidem In-
30637dicfe arborea altitudo ; navigiorum-
30638que etiam vicem prajstant, si credimus,
30639singula internodia." (Hist. Nat. xvi.
3064036.) Cuvier says that one species of
30641the bamboo, the Bamhus arundinacea,
30642grows to the height of 60 feet.
30643'" The only certain mention of the
30644Pada?ans by any other ancient writer
p. 488
30645490
30646THE CANNIBALS.
30647Book III.
30648flesh. This tribe is said to have the following customs:
30649— If one of their number be ill, man or woman, they
30650take the sick person, and if he be a man, the men
30651of his acquaintance proceed to put him to death,
30652because, they say, his flesh would be spoilt for them if
30653he pined and wasted away with sickness. The man
30654protests he is not ill in the least ; but his friends will
30655not accept his denial — in spite of all he can say, they
30656kill him, and feast themselves on his body. So also if
30657a woman be sick, the women, who are her friends, take
30658her and do with her exactly the same as the men. If
30659one of them reaches to old age, about which there is
30660seldom any question, as commonly before that time they
30661have had some disease or other, and so have been put
30662to death — but if a man, notwithstanding, comes to be
30663old, then they offer him in sacrifice to their gods, and
30664afterwards eat his flesh. ^
30665100. There is another set of Indians whose customs
30666are very different. They refuse to put any live animal
30667to death,^ tliey sow no corn, and have no dwelling-
30668is that in the well-known lines of
30669Tibullus :
30670" Impia nee SKvis celebrans convivia mensis
30671Ultima vicinus Phoebo tenet arva Fadajus."
30672—IV. i. 144
30673A fragment of Nicolaus Damascenus
30674is conjecturally applied to them. (See
30675Valckenaer ad Herod, iii. 99, and
30676comp. Miiller's Fr. Hist. Gr. iii. p.
30677464.) According; to this, among the
30678Padffians not the sacrificer but the
30679wisest of those present began the cere-
30680monies, and the only thing for which
30681men prayed was jiTstice.
30682' Vide supra, ch. 38. The same cus-
30683tom is said to have prevailed among
30684the Massageta3 (i. 216) and the Isse-
30685donians (iv. 26) ; and a similar one is
30686mentioned by Strabo as existing among
30687the Caspians (xi. p. 753), and the
30688Derbices (ibid. p. 756). Marco Polo
30689found the practice in Sumatra in his
30690own day. " The people of Dragoian,"
30691he says, " observe this horrible custom
30692in cases where any member of their
30693family is afflicted with a disease.
30694The relations of the sick person send
30695for the magicians, whom they require,
30696on examination of the sj'mptoms, to
30697declare whether he will recover or not.
30698... If the decision be that he cannot,
30699the relations then call in certain men
30700Avhose peculiar duty it is, and who
30701perform their business with dexterity,
30702to close the mouth of the patient until
30703he is suffocated. This being done,
30704they cut the body in pieces in order
30705to prepare it as victuals, and when it
30706has been so dressed the relations
30707assemble, and in a convivial manner
30708eat the whole of it, not leaving so
30709much as the marrow in the bones."
30710(Travels, p. 610, E.T.) According
30711to some modern writers (Elphinstone's
30712Cabul, vol. i. p. 45, 2nd ed.), canni-
30713balism continues in the countries bor-
30714dering on the Indus to the present
30715day.
30716'■^ The repugnance of true Brahmins
30717to take away life is well known.
p. 489
30718Chap. 100-102.
30719THE VEGETARIANS.
30720491
30721lioiises. Vegetables are their only food. There is a
30722plant which grows wild in their country, bearing seed
30723about the size of millet-seed in a calyx : their wont is
30724to gather this seed and having boiled it, calyx and all,
30725to use it for food. If one of them is attacked with
30726sickness, he goes forth into the wilderness, and lies
30727down to die ; no one has the least concern either for the
30728sick or for the dead.
30729101. All the tribes which I have mentioned live
30730together like the brute beasts : ^ they have also all the
30731same tint of skin, which approaches that of the Ethi-
30732opians.* Their country is a long way from Persia
30733towards the south : nor had king Darius ever any
30734authority over them.
30735102. Besides these, there are Indians of another tribe,
30736who border on the city Caspatyrus,^ and the country
30737of Pactyica ; ^ these people dwell northward of all the
30738rest of the Indians, and follow nearly the same mode
30739of life as the Bactrians. They are more warlike than
30740any of the other tribes, and from them the men are
30741sent forth who go to procure the gold. For it is in
30742this part of India that the sandy desert lies. Here, in
30743this desert, there live amid the sand great ants, in size
30744somewhat less than dogs, but bigger than foxes. The
30745The Mahrattas are said to have the
30746same prejudice. Heeren (As. Nat.
30747vol. i. p. 303) thinks that the latter
30748are intended in this i^lace. But his
30749arguments are not very convincing.
30750^ " Concubitus eorum, more pe-
30751corum, in aperto est." In Book i.
30752ch. 216, nearly the same is related
30753of the Massagetae. Herodotus adds,
30754" Semen eorundem genitale, non, sicut
30755aliorum hominum, album, sednigiaim,
30756pro colore corporis : cujusmodi semen
30757et ^thiopes edere solent." Aristotle
30758denies these statements of Herodotus.
30759(Hist. An. iii. 22 ; Geuer. An. ii. 2.)
30760* If the Ethiopians and Indians had
30761the same colour, which is not black
30762as that of the Negro, it is evident that
30763VOL. II.
30764the Egyptians could not be " black,"
30765as Herodotus states in B. ii. ch. 104.
30766(See n. ■* on that chapter. — [G. W.]
30767* Heeren (As. Nat., vol. i. p. 293)
30768regards the city of Caspatyrus (the
30769Caspapyrus of Hecatajus, Fr. 179) as
30770the modern Cabul ; but his data are
30771very insufficient. De Hammer (Ann.
30772Vien. vol. Ii. p. 36) and Schlegel
30773(Berlin. Taschenb. 1829, p. 17) sug-
30774gest Cashmere. But neither of these
30775towns is really on the main stream of
30776the Indus, on which Caspatyrus seems
30777to be placed. Infra, iv. 44.
30778* Herodotus appears to recognise
30779tivo districts of this name, one on the
30780confines of Aniienia (supra, ch. 93),
30781the other upon the Indus. 2l
p. 490
30782492
30783THE SANDY DESERT.
30784Book III.
30785Persian king has a number of them, which have been
30786caught by the hunters in the land whereof we are
30787speaking. These ants make their dwellings under-
30788ground, and like the Greek ants, which they very much
30789resemble in shape, throw up sand-heaps as they burrow.
30790Now the sand which they throw up is full of gold.^
30791The Indians, when they go into the desert to collect
30792this sand, take three camels and harness them too:ether,
30793a female in the middle and a male on either side, in a
30794leading-rein. The rider sits on the female, and they
30795are particular to choose for the purpose one that has
30796but just dropped her young ; for their female camels
30797can run as fast as horses, while they bear burthens
30798very much better.
30799103. As the Greeks are well acquainted with the
30800shape of the camel, I shall not trouble to describe it ;
30801but I shall mention what seems to have escaped their
30802'' It is curious to find the same nar-
30803rative, told gravely, not only by Me-
30804gasthenes (Fr. 39), Die. (Or. xsxv.
30805p. 436), Pliny (Hist. Nat. xi. 36),
30806Mela (ill. vii. 2), and ^Elian (H. An.
30807iii. 4), but also by Prester John (Ung-
30808khan) in the 12th century. His words,
30809as reported by Bahr (note ad loc), are
30810these : —
30811" In quadam provincia nostra sunt
30812formicse in magnitudine catulorum,
30813habentes septem pedes, et alas qua-
30814tuor— istaj formicaj ab occasu solis ad
30815ortum morantur sub terra et fodiunt
30816purissimum aurum tota nocte — quas-
30817runt victum suum tota die — in nocte
30818autem veniunt homines de cunctis
30819civitatibus ad colligendum ipsum
30820aurum et imponunt elephantibus —
30821quando formicje sunt supr^ terram,
30822nuUus ibi audet accedere, propter
30823crudelitatem et ferocitatem ipsarum."
30824According to Tzschuck (ad Pomp.
30825Mel. in. vii. § 2) some of the Ara-
30826bian writers have the same tale,
30827Nearchus declared that he had seen
30828the skins of these ants. (Arrian.
30829Indie. 15.) And so late as the year
308301559 one was (it is said) sent as a
30831present from the Shah of Persia to
30832Solyman II. This is described by
30833De Thou in the " History of his
30834Time" as " formica Indica, canis me-
30835diocris magnitudine, animal mordax
30836et sffivum." (xxiv. p. 809.)
30837Modern research has not discovered
30838anything very^ satisfactory either \^^th
30839r«spect to the animal intended, or the
30840habits ascribed to it. Perhaps the
30841most plausible conjecture is that which
30842identifies it with the Pengolin, or
30843Ant-eater (Manis Fentedactyla of Lin-
30844Uc'eus), wliich burrows on the sandy
30845plains of northern India. (See Blakes-
30846ley ad loc.)
30847Professor Wilson suggests that the
30848entire story arose from the fact that
30849the gold collected in the plains of
30850Little Thibet is commonly called
30851Fippilika, or " ant-gold " — the name
30852being given to it from a belief that
30853colonies of ants, by clearing away the
30854sand or soil, leave the ore exposed.
30855(Journal of As. Soc. vol. xiii, pp. 137
30856and 143.)
p. 491
30857Chap. 103, 104.
30858QUEST OF GOLD.
30859493
30860iiotice. The camel has in its hind legs four thigh-bones
30861and four knee-joints.^
30862104. When the Indians therefore have thus equipped
30863themselves they set off in quest of the gold, calculating
30864the time so that they may be engaged in seizing it
30865during the most sultry part of the day, when the ants
30866hide themselves to escape the heat. The sun in those
30867parts shines fiercest in the morning, not, as elsewhere,
30868at noonday ; the greatest heat is from the time when
30869he has reached a certain height, until the hour at which
30870the market closes. During this space he burns much
30871more furiously than at midday in Greece, so that the
30872men there are said at that time to drench themselves
30873with water. At noon his heat is much the same in
30874India as in other countries, after which, as the day
30875declines, the warmth is only equal to that of the morn-
30876ing sun elsewhere. Towards evening the coolness
30877increases, till about sunset it becomes very cold.^
30878" This is of course untrue, and it is
30879difficult to understand how Herodotus
30880could entertain such a notion. There
30881is no real difference, as regards the
30882anatomy of the leg, between the horse
30883and the camel. In each the leg is
30884composed of four bones which are
30885united by three joints, but of these
30886two only — the real knee, which is
30887more apparent in the camel than in
30888other quadrupeds owing to the length
30889of the thigh-bone, and the hough-
30890have at all the look of knee-joints.
30891Even if the fetlock joint be counted,
30892there can he but three knees ; for it is
30893impossible to extend that character to
30894the hip-joint, which is wholly con-
30895cealed.
30896^ Bredovv (Geograph. et Uranolog.
30897Herod, viii.) and Niebuhr (Geography
30898of Herodotus, p. 10, E. T.) explain
30899this from Herodotus's notion of the
30900earth as a flat plain, on the whole of
30901which the sun rose (and again set) at
30902the same moment. The east there-
30903fore, which was close to the sun in
30904the morning, was hottest at that time ;
30905the west was then coldest. In the
30906evening the case was exactly reversed.
30907Thus Herodotus would not be de-
30908scribing any fact, but only his own
30909conceptions of what must be the case.
30910It may, however, be questioned whether
30911this is a full account of the matter.
30912Herodotus is apparently narrating
30913luhat he had heard, and it belongs to
30914his simplicity not to mix up his own
30915speculations with the relations which
30916he had received from others. Pro-
30917bably his own anticipations had been
30918confu-med by the accounts which had
30919reached him of the actual climate of
30920the gold region. The following state-
30921ment is made by Moorcroft with
30922regard to the temperature of the region
30923north of the Himalaya : — " At eight
30924in the morning the sun overtops the
30925hills which surroxmd the little valley
30926of Niti, and blazes with a fierceness
30927of which we were ihQ more sensible
30928from the cold of the morning. About
30929three the heat falls off raost rapidly.
30930I have never before experienced so
30931sudden a transition from heat to cold,
30932and contrariwise. At night I am only
30933comfortably warm with all the bed-
30934clothes that I can muster. At sun-
30935rise a thick coarse woollen wrapping-
3093621,2
p. 492
30937494
30938EXTREME REGIONS MOST WONDERFUL. Book III.
30939105. When the Indians reach the place where the
30940gold is, they fill their bags with the sand, and ride
30941away at their best speed : the ants, however, scenting
30942them, as the Persians say, rush forth in pursuit. Now
30943these animals are so swift, they declare, that there is
30944nothing in the world like them : if it were not, there-
30945fore, that the Indians get a start while the ants are
30946mustering, not a single gold-gatherer could escape.
30947During the flight the male camels, which are not so
30948fleet as the females, grow tired, and begin to drag, first
30949one, and then the other ; but the females recollect the
30950young which they have left behind, and never give
30951way or flag/ Such, according to the Persians, is the
30952manner in which the Indians get the greater part of
30953their gold ; some is dug out of the earth, but of this
30954the suj^ply is more scanty.^
30955106. It seems as if the extreme regions of the earth
30956were blessed by nature with the most excellent produc-
30957tions, just in the same way that Greece enjoys a climate
30958more excellently tempered than any other country.^ In
30959gown, over-sliirt, cotton waistcoat,
30960and double cotton coat, is only just
30961sufficient to keep out the cold. At
30962nine the outer coat must be thrown
30963off ; at ten it is desirable to get quit
30964of the other ; and at noon the rest of
30965the garments are at least incommo-
30966dious from the heat. The reverse of
30967this process becomes necessary from
30968half-past three till night" (As. Res.
30969vol. xii. p. 399, note). It must be
30970remembered that in Greece, as with
30971ourselves, the afternoon was the warm-
30972est part of the day (see Buttmann's
30973Lexilogus, p. 225, and especially
30974note ^).
30975' Marco Polo relates that when the
30976Tatars make incursions into the
30977country lying to the north of them,
30978they adopt the same device of riding
30979mares which have foals, and which
30980are therefore anxious to get back to
30981their young. (Travels, p. 745.)
30982^ Tiie whole of this region of Cen-
30983tral Asia is in the highest degree auri-
30984ferous. The ranges of the Hindoo-
30985Koosh, Belur Tagh, Mus Tagh, and
30986Altai, especially abound with this
30987precious metal. In the Altai moun-
30988tains, rude traces of ancient mining
30989have been found. (Heeren's As. Nat.
30990i, p. 47.) Bokhara and Thibet are
30991especially renowned for their produc-
30992tiveness. On the gold of Thibet, see
30993As. Res. vol. xii., pp. 437-9, &c.
30994" Herodotus seems to ascribe the
30995excellence of the climate of Greece to
30996its central situation, equall}'' remote
30997from all the extremities of the earth.
30998He does not see that this centrality is
30999only relative, each nation being the
31000centre of the world known to it.
31001Aristotle (Polit. vii. 6) goes beyond
31002Herodotus, and attributes the well-
31003attempered disposition of the Greeks
31004to the same cause, {to rav 'EXXrjvav
31005yevos, acnrep fie (r eve i Kara tovs
31006TOTTOVs, ovTcos afx^olv fierex^t, Koi
31007yap evdvp-ov Koi diavojjriKou ecm.)
p. 493
31008Chap. 105-107.
31009TKEE-WOOL OF INDIA.
31010495
31011India, which, as I observed lately, is the furthest region
31012of the inhabited world towards the east, all the four-
31013footed beasts and the birds are very much bigger than
31014those found elsewhere, except only the horses, which
31015are surpassed by the Median breed called the NisEean/
31016Gold too is produced there in vast abundance, some dug
31017from the earth, some washed down by the rivers, some
31018carried off in the mode which I have but now described.
31019And further, there are trees which grow wild there,
31020the fruit whereof is a wool exceeding in beauty and
31021goodness that of sheep. The natives make their clothes
31022of this tree-wool.^
31023107. Arabia is the last of inhabited lands towards
31024the south, and it is the only country which produces
31025frankincense, myrrh, cassia, cinnamon, and ladanum.®
31026The Arabians^ do not get any of these, except the
31027* Nissea (Nisaj^a) is mentioned as
31028a district of Media in the Behistun
31029Inscription (Col. i. par. 13, § 11).
31030Concerning its locality and the excel-
31031lency of its horses, see note on Book
31032vii. oh. 40.
31033* Vide supra, cli. 47. " Tree-wool "
31034is exactly the German name for cotton
31035(^Baumwolle).
31036^ Ledanon or ladanon, a resin or
31037glim, answering to the ladin of the
31038Arabs, was produced by the shrub
31039ledon, the Cistus Creticus of Diosco-
31040rides, or Cistus ladaniferus, a native
31041of Cyprus and Candia. (Cp. Plin. xii.
3104217 ; see below, n. ch. 112.) It is now
31043brought from Constantinoi)le and the
31044Greek islands. It differed from the
31045libanotus or frankincense, which was
31046produced by the libanus-tree,the Juni-
31047perus Lycia, or the Bosivellia Thuri-
31048fera, a native of Arabia, whence Virgil
31049says, " Solis est thurea virga Sabajis."
31050(G. ii. 117.) This last was used for
31051sacrifices (Her. i. 183 ; ii. 40), and not
31052for embalming (Her. ii. 86). It is the
31053liban of the Arabs, and the same as the
31054Hebrew libaneh or liboneh, " incense,"
31055which came from Sheba or southern
31056Arabia (Is. Lx. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20). The
31057liban, which is explained in Arabic by
31058the word " kondor," answers to the
31059■)(6vhpos Xt^avarov of the Greek, the
31060" granum thuris." The bokhoor-el-
31061burr, so common in Syria and Egypt,
31062the coarse jiarticles of frankincense,
31063made into a cake and used for in-
31064cense, as in some Christian churches,
31065seems to be an inferior kind of " gra-
31066num," or " mica thuris." The liban
31067or libanotus is still a production of
31068Arabia, particularly of Hadramaut.
31069Herodotus extends the epithet " liba-
31070notophoros, " or thuri ferns, to all Arabi a
31071(B. ii. ch. 8.) The name liban would
31072seem to be taken from its whiteness,
31073lubn, lebn, of the Hebrew, whence
31074lubn, " milk," and Mount Lebanon
31075(or Mont Blanc), so called from its
31076snow. Pliny (xii. 17), citing Hero-
31077dotus, says the Arabs brought yearly
31078a talent- weight of " thus " to the
31079kings of Persia, and he erroneously
31080thinks it went to Persia at an earlier
31081time than to Syria or Egypt. — [G. W.]
310827 The Arabs supplied Egypt with
31083various spices and gums which were
31084required for embalming and other pur-
31085poses. In Genesis xxxvii. 25, the
31086Ishmaelites or Arabs were going to
31087Egypt from " Gilead Avitii their camels
31088bearing spicery, and balm, and
p. 494
31089496
31090ARABIAN SPICES.
31091Book III.
31092myrrli,^ without trouble. The frankincense they pro-
31093cure by means of the gum styrax,® which the Grreeks
31094obtain from the Phoenicians ; this they burn, and
31095thereby obtain the spice. For the trees which bear
31096the frankincense are guarded by winged serpents, small
31097in size, and of varied colours, whereof vast numbers
31098hang about every tree. They are of the same kind as
31099the serpents that invade Egypt ; ^° and there is nothing
31100but the smoke of the styrax which will drive them from
31101the trees.
31102108. The Arabians say that the whole world would
31103swarm with these serpents, if they were not kept in
31104check in the way in which I know that vipers are. Of
31105a truth Divine Providence does appear to be, as indeed
31106one might expect beforehand, a wise contriver. For
31107timid animals which are a prey to others are all made
31108to produce young abundantly, that so the species may
31109not be entirely eaten up and lost ; while savage and
31110noxious creatures are made very unfruitful. The
31111hare, for instance, which is hunted alike by beasts,
31112birds, and men, breeds so abundantly as even to super-
31113fetate,^ a thing which is true of no other animal. You
31114find in a hare's belly, at one and the same time, some
31115of the young all covered with fur, others quite naked,
31116others again just fully formed in the womb, while the
31117myrrh." (See n. B. ii. cli. 8G.) The
31118names are nukath, HNDJ styrax (the
31119Arabic nukah, ^\^j), gum tragacanth,
31120tziri ■'IV opobalsam, and lot tD? laden.
31121— [G. W.]
31122' Smyrna, the Greek name of myrrh,
31123is the same as that of the city. " Mir "
31124(Exod. XXX. 23), the Hebrew word,
31125is said to be from its " dropping." It
31126either gave its name to, or received
31127it from, " bitterness," mir or mor sig-
31128nifying "bitter," both in Hebrew and
31129Arabic. The tree which produces it
31130is a native of Arabia and of the So-
31131mauli country S. of Abj'ssinia (called
31132by EhrenbergBalsamodendron mjTrlia
31133(Strabo, xvi. p. 535 ; Diodor. ii. 49).
31134Plutarch (de Isid. s. 80) says the
31135Egyptians called it " bed," but in
31136Coptic it had the name " shed," which
31137to a Greek would have been unpro-
31138noimceable and unwi'itable. — [G. W.]
31139^ This is the " gum storax" of mo-
31140dern commerce.
31141'" Vide supra, ii. 76. If serpents,
31142they should be oviparous. — [G. W.]
31143' This fact has been often ques-
31144tioned ; bi;t (as Bahr shows) it has in
31145its favour Linnajus, and the author
31146of the AUgemeine Historic der Natur
31147(Hamb. and Leips. 1757). The former
31148says : " Lepus immensus parturitione
31149per totam £estatem, superfetatione baud
31150rara" (i. p. 161).
p. 495
31151Chap. 108, 109.
31152WINGED SERPENTS.
31153497
31154hare perhaps has lately conceived afresh. The lioness,
31155on the other hand, which is one of the strongest and
31156boldest^ of brutes, brings, forth young but once in her
31157lifetime,^ and then a single cub ; * she cannot possibly
31158conceive again, since she loses her womb at the same
31159time that she drops her young. The reason of this is,
31160that as soon as the cub begins to stir inside the dam,
31161his claws, which are sharper than those of any other
31162animal, scratch the womb ; as time goes on, and he
31163grows bigger, he tears it ever more and more ; so that
31164at last, when the birth comes, there is not a morsel in
31165the whole womb that is sound.
31166109. Now with respect to the vipers and the winged
31167snakes of Arabia, if they increased as fast as their
31168nature would allow, impossible were it for man to
31169maintain himself upon the earth. Accordingly it is
31170found that when the male and female come together,
31171at the very moment of impregnation, the female seizes
31172the male by the neck, and having once fastened, cannot
31173be brought to leave go till she has bit the neck entirely
31174through. And so the male perishes ; but after a while
31175he is revenged upon the female by means of the
31176young, which, while still unborn, gnaw a passage
31177through the womb, and then through the belly of their
31178mother, and so make their entrance into the world.
31179Contrariwise, other snakes, which are harmless, lay
31180eggs, and hatch a vast number of young. Vipers are
31181found in all parts of the world, but the winged serpents
31182* The courage of the lion has been
31183recently called in question by Mr.
31184Gordon Cummins; and Dr. Living-
31185stone, whose experience certainly tends
31186to lower the character of the king of
31187brutes. Still, under the pressure of
31188hunger, or where he has cubs to de-
31189fend, the boldness of the lion is re-
31190markable. (See Mr, Gordon Cum-
31191ming's Lion-Hunter, pp. 119, 316,
31192&c.)
31193^ The fabulous character of the
31194whole of this account was known to
31195Aristotle, who truly observes that
31196the lioness brings forth young in the
31197spring of the year for many years in
31198succession, and more usually lays up
31199two cubs than one. (Hist. An. vi.
3120031.)
31201■* According to Mr. Gordon Gum-
31202ming, it is not uncommon for the
31203lioness to have three or four cubs at a
31204birth. (Lion-Hunter, pp. 116, 326,
31205&c.)
p. 496
31206498
31207CASSIA.
31208Book III.
31209are nowhere seen except in Arabia, where they are all
31210congregated together. This makes them appear so
31211numerous.
31212110. Such, then, is the way in which the Arabians
31213obtain their frankincense ; their manner of collecting
31214the cassia ^ is the following : — They cover all their body
31215and their face with the hides of oxen and other skins,
31216leaving only holes for the eyes, and thus protected go
31217in search of the cassia, which grows in a lake of no
31218great depth. All round the shores and in the lake
31219itself there dwell a number of winged animals, much
31220resembling bats, which screech horribly, and are very
31221valiant. These creatures they must keep from their
31222eyes all the while that they gather the cassia.®
31223111. Still more wonderful is the mode in which they
31224collect the cinnamon.'' Where the wood grows, and
31225' Cassia and cinnamon, according
31226to Larclier (note ad loc), are from the
31227same tree, the only difference being
31228that cinnamon is properly the branch
31229with the bark on ; cassia is the bark
31230■without the branch. Since the former
31231ceased to be an article of commerce,
31232the latter has usurped its name. Thus
31233our cinnamon is not the cinnamon of
31234the ancients, but their cassia. The
31235word cassia is derived from a Hebrew
31236root (VVp), which means " to cut or
31237scrape off the surface ;" whence also
31238^^)i\?^, " a plane."
31239* The cassia is supposed to be the
31240Laurus cassia, or, according to some,
31241the Cassia fistula. In Hebrew (Exod.
31242XXX. 24) it is called kedli (HTp) or
31243ketziah (n^Vp), signifying "split"
31244or " peeled off," which would apply
31245to the Laurus cassia, or to our modern
31246cinnamon. But Herodotus says thej-
31247" gathered" the cassia, it should not
31248therefore be cinnamon ; and the Laurus
31249cassia and Laurus cinnamomimi are
31250too much alike to be considered in
31251those days two distinct trees. If a
31252fruit, was this the nutmeg, the Myris-
31253tica moschata ? But it is of the
31254Lauiiis tribe also, and does not grow
31255in shallow water, nor does the cin-
31256namon, which requires a dry sandy
31257soil, as Pliny states (xii. 19). Cassia
31258is supposed to be the Malay word
31259kashii, " wood ;" but this and cinna-
31260mon were perhaps both Arab or Phoe-
31261nician names. Pliny's description of
31262the " casia " (xii. 19) certainly agrees
31263very well with the real cinnamon. —
31264[G. W.]
31265^ The modem cinnamon is the rind
31266of the Laurus cinnamomum of Ceylon,
31267the Arabic Kirfeh. The name cinna-
31268momum has been applied to different
31269plants. That of Herodotus, taken by
31270birds to build their nests, could not
31271have been a cinnamon-branch ; and, if
31272not altogether a fable, should rather
31273be the calamus, or aromatic reed, men-
31274tioned in Exodus xxx. 23, and by Di-
31275odorus, ii. 49 ; Dionysius, Perieg. 937 ;
31276Plin. xii. 22 ; and other -writers.
31277Pliny, though he speaks of a bird
31278building its nest of " cinnamum " in
31279Arabia (x. 33), denies that the real
31280cinnamon (cinnamomum) grows in
31281that coimtry (xii. 18) ; and (in c. 19)
31282treats " Herodotus as a great dealer in
31283fables for the storj' of birds building
31284their nests of cinnamon and cassia,"
31285which he makes the production of
31286Ethiopia. The cinnamon was kept
31287cut like a coppice, and the twigs were
31288thought the best. The cinnamomum
p. 497
31289Chap. 110, 111.
31290CINNAMON.
31291499
31292wLat country produces it, they cannot tell — only some,
31293following probability, relate that it comes from the
31294country in which Bacchus was brought up.^ G-reat
31295birds, they say, bring the sticks which we Greeks,
31296taking the word from the Phoenicians,^ call cinnamon,
31297and carry them up into the air to make their nests.
31298These are fastened with a sort of mud to a sheer face
31299of rock, where no foot of man is able to climb. So the
31300Arabians, to get the cinnamon, use the following arti-
31301fice. They cut all the oxen and asses and beasts of
31302burthen that die in their land into large pieces, which
31303they carry with them into those regions, and place near
31304the nests : then they withdraw to a distance, and the
31305old birds, swooping down, seize the pieces of meat and
31306fly with them up to their nests ; which, not being able
31307to support the weight, break off and fall to the ground.^
31308or cinnamon was of two Icinrh (Plin.
31309xii.l9), and the ciunamum which grew
31310in Syria and Arabia, according to
31311Pliny, was a distinct plant (xii. 18,
31312and xvi. 32). A coarse grass still
31313grows in the deserts between Nubia
31314and the Red Sea which has the same
31315aromatic scent as cinnamon. Strabo
31316(xvi. p. 535, ed. Cas.) mentions cinna-
31317momum, thns or libanus, and myrrh,
31318as productions of Arabia ; but this cin-
31319namon was either a different plant, or
31320merely imported through that countrJ^
31321Again, in b. ii. p. 65, and b. xvii,
31322(begs. p. 540) he maljes it a production
31323of the countrj^ above Meroe, and in
31324b. xvii. p. 543, he says Sesostris went
31325into Ethiopia, even to the " cinnamo-
31326miferus " region. Others also place
31327this region to the S. of Abyssinia.
31328Dionys. Perieg., who mentions it in
31329Southern Arabia, saj^s (944) : —
31330'HASov </)uAAa <p4(>ovrts aKT\paxTi<av Kiva-ii-iaftjav.
31331And this should be Pliny's "cinna-
31332mum."— [G. AV.j
31333^ Ethiopia probably, v. s. ii. 146.
31334^ The Phccnician word was probably
31335identical with the Hebrew, which is
31336|i?33p, cinnamon (Exod. xxx. 23 ;
31337Cant. iv. 14). Hence the Greek klv-
31338vafidfiop, and the Latin " cinnamwn.'^
31339Bochart (Phaleg. ii. iii.) observes that
31340all the Greek names of spices are of
31341Semitic origin. Cassia is the ni?'']if|'p
31342of Ps. xlv. 9. Myrrh (afxvpva) is
31343liO (Cant. iii. 6). Frankincense (Xi-
31344iSai/coros) is HJuV (Cant. iv. 14). In
31345the same way he identifies galbanum,
31346bdellium, nard, aloes, &c.,withHebrew
31347words. Ledanum is omitted from his
31348list, but perhaps it may be connected
31349with the Hebrew Di? (Gen. xxxvii.
3135025 ; cf. Buxtorf ad voc.) As the
31351Phojnicians imported all these spices
31352into Greece, they would naturally be
31353known to the Greeks by Phoenician
31354names.
31355' Bochart (1. s. c.) suggests an ety-
31356mological foundation to this story.
31357He remarks that in Hebrew the word
31358p'!^P, kinnim, means " nests," and
31359|3p, kinnen, " to build a nest." Hence,
31360he saj's, an occasion for the fable.
31361The story, however, evidently belongs
31362to a whole class of Eastern tales,
31363wherein an important part is playe(l
31364by great birds. Compare the rocs in
31365the story of Sinbad the Sailor in the
31366Arabian Nights, and the tale related
31367by Marco Polo (Travels, p. 658) of tlie
31368mines of Golconda.
p. 498
31369500
31370LEDANUM.
31371Book III.
31372Hereupon the Arabians return and collect the cinna-
31373mon, which is afterwards carried from Arabia into
31374other countries.
31375112. Ledanum, which the Arabs call ladanum, is pro-
31376cured in a yet stranger fashion. Found in a most
31377inodorous place, it is the sweetest-scented of all sub-
31378stances. It is gathered from the beards of he-goats,^
31379where it is found sticking like gum, having come from
31380the bushes on which they browse. It is used in many
31381sorts of unguents, and is what the Arabs burn chiefly
31382as incense.
31383113. Concerning the spices of Arabia let no more
31384be said. The whole country is scented with them,
31385and exhales an odour marvellously sweet. There are
31386also in Arabia two kinds of sheep worthy of admiration,
31387the like of which is nowhere else to be seen ; ^ the
31388one kind has long tails, not less than three cubits in
31389length, which, if they were allowed to trail on the
31390ground, would be bruised and fall into sores. As it is,
31391all the shepherds know enough of carpentering to make
31392little trucks for their sheep's tails. The trucks are
31393placed under the tails, each sheep having one to him-
31394* Pliny (xii. 17) says the ladanum
31395adhered to the hair of goats, as they
31396browsed upon the mastic shrub, and
31397this fact evidently led to the state-
31398ment of Herodotus (see n. * on eh. 107).
31399The mastic is another resin from the
31400Pistaccia Orientalis, so common still
31401in Greece, where it is called, as of old,
31402(Txivos, a name given also to the P.
31403Lentisciis.—[G. W.]
31404^ Sheep of this character have ac-
31405quired among our writers the name
31406of Cape Sheep, from the fact that they
31407are the species chiefly affected by our
31408settlers at the Cape of Good Hope.
31409They are common in Africa and
31410throughout the East, being found not
31411only in Arabia, but in Persia, Syria,
31412Affghanistan, Egj'pt, Barbary, and
31413even Asia Minor. A recent traveller,
31414writing from Smyrna, says : — " The
31415sheep of the country are the Cape
31416sheep, having a kind of apron tail,
31417entirely of rich maiTowj- fat, extending
31418to the width of their hind quarters,
31419and frequently trailing on the ground ;
31420the weight of the tail is often more
31421than six or eight pounds." (Fellows's
31422Asia Minor, p. 10.)
31423Leo Africanus, writing in the 15th
31424century, regards the broad tail as the
31425great difference between the sheep of
31426Africa and that of Europe. He de-
31427clares that one which he had seen in
31428Egypt weighed 80 lbs. He also men-
31429tions the use of trucks (ix. p. 293
31430A), wliich is still common in Xorth
31431Africa : — " Vervecibus," he says,
31432" adeo crassescit cauda ut seipsos di-
31433movere non possint ; verum qui eorum
31434curam gerunt, caudam exiguis vehi-
31435culis alligantes gradum promovere
31436faciunt."
p. 499
31437Chap. 112-115.
31438EXTREME REGIONS OF EUROPE.
31439501
31440self, and the tails are then tied down upon them. The
31441other kind has a broad tail, which is a cubit across
31442sometimes.^
31443114. Where the south declines towards the setting
31444sun lies the country called Ethiopia, the last inhabited
31445land in that direction. There gold is obtained in great
31446plenty,^ huge elephants abound, with wild trees of all
31447sorts, and ebony ; and the men are taller, handsomer,
31448and longer lived than anywhere else.
31449115. Xow these are the furthest regions of the world
31450in Asia and Libya. Of the extreme tracts of Europe
31451towards the west I cannot speak with any certainty ;
31452for I do not allow that there is any river, to which the
31453barbarians give the name of Eridanus, emptying itself
31454into the northern sea, whence (as the tale goes) amber
31455is procured ; ® nor do I know of any islands called the
31456Cassiterides '' (Tin Islands), whence the tin comes which
31457* Perhaps a variety, rather than a
31458distinct species. (Of. Heeren's As. Nat.
31459vol. ii. p. 119.)
31460* Vide supra, ch. 22. With regard
31461to the ebony, see ch. 97, note *. For
31462the size of the men, see ch. 20, note *.
31463* Here Herodotus is over-cautious,
31464and rejects as fable what we can see
31465to be truth. The amber district upon
31466the northern sea is the coast of the
31467Baltic alx)Ut the gulf of Dantzig, and
31468the mouths of the Vistula and Niemen
31469(the Frische Xehrung and Kurische
31470Nehrung of our maps), which is still
31471one of the best amber regions in the
31472world. The very name, Eridanus,
31473lingers there in the Rhodaune, the
31474small stream which washes the west
31475side of the town of Dantzig. It is
31476possible that in early times the name
31477attached rather to the Vistula than
31478the Rhodaune. For the word Eri-
31479danus (= Rhodanus) seems to have
31480been applied by the early inhabitants
31481of Europe, especially to great and
31482strong-running rivers. The Italian
31483Eridanus (the Po), the Transalpine
31484Rhodanus (the Rhone), and the still
31485more northern Rhenus (the Rhine),
31486a name in which we mav recognise a
31487similar contraction to that which has
31488now changed Rhodanus into Rhone,
31489are all streams of this character. The
31490main root of the word appears in the
31491Sanscrit sni-, the Greek pe- pv- (hre-,
31492hru-, or rhe-, rhu-), the Latin rj-vus,
31493our ?-/-ver, the German ri'mien, &c.
31494This root appears to have been com-
31495mon to all the Indo-Germanic nations.
31496In Eridanus, Rhodanus, &c., it is
31497joined with a root dan (==" stream,"
31498or " water"), which is also very widely
31499spread, appearing in the words Dcni-
31500ube, Dane, Z>?iiester, i)nieper, Don,
31501Donnu, Donetz, Tanais, Tana,, and
31502perhaps in Jor-dan.
315037 This name was applied to the
31504Selin;v, or Scilly Isles ; and the im-
31505perfect infoiTiiation respecting the site
31506of the mines of tin led to the belief
31507that they were there, instead of on
31508the mainland (of Cornwall). Strabo
31509thought they were in the open sea
31510between Spain and Britain (iii. 125),
31511and that they produced tin, though
31512he allows this was exported from Bri-
31513tain to Gaul. Polybius was aware that
31514it came from Britain ; and Diodorus
31515(v. 21, 22) mentions its being found
31516and smelted near Belerium (the Land's
p. 500
31517}02
31518THE TIN ISLANDS.
31519Book III.
31520we use. For in the first place the name Eridanus is
31521manifestly not a barbarian word at all, but a Greek
31522End), and being i-un into pigs (els
31523a<TTpaya\a)v pyd/j-ovs) it was carried to
31524an island off Britain called Ictis, in
31525carts, at low tide, when the channel is
31526dry. It was there bought by traders,
31527who took it on horses through Gaul
31528to the moirth of the Pihone. He after-
31529wards speaks of " tin-mines of the
31530Cassiterides Islands, Ipng off Iberia,
31531in the ocean," and of the quantity sent
31532from Britain through Gaul to Massalia
31533and Narbona. Ictis is the Vectis of
31534Pliny and Ptolemy, Yecta of Antoni-
31535nus' Itinerary, now the Isle of Wight,
31536but the Ictis mentioned by Diodorus
31537was evidently St. Michael's Mount in
31538Cornwall. Timasus speaks of Mictis,
315396 days' sail from Britain (Plin. iv. 30).
31540Pliny and Solinus also thought the
31541Cassiterides were out at sea over
31542against Spain (iv. 36 ; vii. 57). Strabo
31543saj-s, " they are 10 in number, one
31544only inhabited, near to each other, and
31545lying northward from the port of the
31546Artabri (Finisterre or Corunna). The
31547people live by their cattle, and having
31548mines of tin and lead, they exchange
31549these and skins for pottery, salt,
31550and bronze manufactures." Ptolemy
31551thought they were 10, and P. Mela
31552(iii. 6) says they were called Cassi-
31553terides from the tin that abounded
31554there. He does not mention them in
31555Britain, but " in Celticis." All these
31556accounts show how confused an idea
31557they had of them, and how well the
31558Phoenicians kept the secret of the tin-
31559mines, which is further proved by the
31560well-known story of the Phoenician
31561captain, who, when chased by a Eo-
31562man, steered upon a shoal, and caused
31563the wTeck of his own and his pursuer's
31564ship, rather than betray it ; for which
31565he was rewarded from the public
31566treasury (Strabo, iii. at the end). The
31567bronze swords, daggers, and spear-
31568heads of beautiful workmanship, found
31569in England, which have neither a
31570Greek nor a Roman type, were pro-
31571bably ,^rs^ introduced hj this trade.
31572The Greek name Kaaa-irepos is the
31573same as the Arabic Kasdeer ; but the
31574notion that it was a British word is at
31575once disproved by Kasttra, signifying
31576" tin " in Sanscrit. Its Hebrew name
31577Bedeel, ^i^i, "separated," a "substi-
31578tute " (perhaps an " alloy "), may refer
31579to its principal use in making bronze,
31580or to its being found with silver in the
31581ore. Pliny calls it " lead," or " white
31582lead" (iv. 30; vii. 57); Pomponius
31583Mela (iii. 6) merely " lead." A blue
31584metal in the Egyptian sculptures is
31585called Khasd, or Khusbt ; and in an-
31586other place mention is made of Ehasit ;
31587but this has been thought to be lapis
31588lazzuli. In Coptic tin is lliram,
31589or Thran, and Basensh, R.A.Crt6T
31590According to Mr. Crawford it is called
31591in India Ealahi, and by the Malays
31592Timah,
31593The Arabs call tin safeeh. Their
31594teneha, " tin-plate," bears a resem-
31595blance to the German 2 wi72, the Swedish
31596tenn, the Icelandic din, and our tin.
31597Pliny (iv. 34) mentions it in the
31598North of Spain ; and a small quantity
31599is still found in Lugo, and another
31600district of Gallicia ; but it was prin-
31601cipally obtained by the Phoenicians
31602from Britain. It is, however, pro-
31603bable, from its being known by the
31604Sanscrit name kasttia, that it went
31605at a very remote period from the
31606Malay Islands to India and Central
31607Asia ; and Ezekiel mentions tin, with
31608silver, iron, and lead, coming to Tyre
31609from Tarshish (xxvii. 12), which was
31610the same Tarshish, on the Indian
31611Ocean, whence Solomon received
31612" gold, silver, ivory, apes, and pea-
31613cocks," once every three years (2
31614Chron. ix. 21), and to which the ships
31615built by Jehoshaphat and Ahaziah
31616were to 20 from Eziongeber " on the
31617Eed Sea" in the land of Edom" (1
31618Kings ix. 26). The first mention of
31619tin in the Bible is in Numbers xxxi.
3162022 ; and in Isaiah i. 25, and Ezek.
31621xxli. 18, it is mentioned as an alloy.
31622It is not possible to decide when it
31623was first brought from Britain, but
31624probably at a very early time. Tin
31625is mentioned in the Periplus among
31626the imports /ro7?i Egypt to the Indian
p. 501
31627Chap. 116.
31628AMBER— GOLD REGION OF EUROPE.
31629503
31630name, invented by some poet or other ; and secondly,
31631though I have taken vast pains, I have never been able
31632to get an assurance from an eye-witness that there is
31633any sea on the further side of Europe. Nevertheless,
31634tin and amber ^ do certainly come to us from the ends
31635of the earth.
31636116. The northern parts of Europe are very much
31637richer in gold than any other region : ^ but how it is pro-
31638coast, and it was brousilit long before
31639that from Britain by the Phoenicians.
31640Tin was not discovered in Germany
31641till 1240 A.D.
31642The quantity used of old for making
31643bronze was very great, and the remote
31644period when that mixed metal was
31645made shows how early the mines of
31646one or the other of these countries
31647were known. An Egyptian bronze,
31648apparently cast, has been found bearing
31649the name" of Papi of the 6th dynasty,
31650more than 2000 years B.C. ; and bronze
31651knives appear from the sculptures
31652to have been used before that time.
31653Bronze was iirst merely hammered
31654into shape, then cast, then cast hollow
31655on a core or inner mould. In Egj-pt,
31656AssjTia, Greece, and Rome, it had
31657generally 10 or 20 parts of tin to 90
31658or 80 of copper, but for ornamental
31659purposes the alloys varied, and silver
31660was sometimes introduced.
31661One i3ig of tin has been found in
31662England, which, as it differs from
31663those made by the Romans, Normans,
31664and others, is supposed to be Phoe-
31665nician. It is remarkable from its
31666shape, and from a particular mark
31667upon it, evidently taken from the
31668usual form of the trough into which
31669the metal was run. It is in the
31670Truro Museum, and a cast of it is in
31671the Museum of Practical Geology in
31672London. It is about 2 ft. 11 in. long,
3167311 in. broad, and 3 in. high.
31674The Carthaginians also went to
31675Britain for tin, as the Tyrians had
31676before. See the Poem of Festus Avi-
31677enus on Himilco's exploring the N.W.
31678coasts of Europe, between 362 and
31679350 B.C. The islands of the Albioni
31680and Hiberui are both mentioned, and
31681the tin islands Q:]stiymnides near
31682Albion. (Of Carthage and earlj' Greek
31683colonies, see Veil. Paterculus, and n. *
31684on Book ii. ch. 32.)— [G. W.]
31685® Herodotus is quite correct in his
31686information respecting amber being
31687found at the extremity of Europe,
31688though not at the West. Sotacus (ac-
31689cording to Pliny, sxxvii. 11) thought
31690in Britain. Pliny mentions the in-
31691sects in amber, and speaks of its
31692coming from North Germany, where
31693it was called " glesum " (glass ?).
31694Compare Tacit. Germ. 45. Diodorus
31695(v. 22) says it is found at an island
31696above Gaul, over against Scj'thia,
31697called Basilea, thrown up by the sea,
31698and nowhere else. It still comes mainly
31699from the south coast of the Baltic,
31700between Konigsberg and Mem el, but
31701is not quite unkno^vn in other parts
31702of Europe. It is remarkable that the
31703amber of Catania contains insects of
31704Europe, that of the Baltic has insects
31705of Asia.— [G. W.]
31706^ It appears, by the mention of the
31707Arimaspi, that the European gold re-
31708gion of which Herodotus here speaks,
31709is the district east of the Ural Moun-
31710tains, which modem geogra]3hy would
31711assign to Asia. (Vide infra, iv. 27.)
31712Herodotus, it must be remembered,
31713regards Europe as extending the whole
31714length of both Africa and Asia, since
31715he makes the Phasis, the Caspian, and
31716the Araxes (Jaxartes) the boundaries
31717between Asia and Europe (infra, iv.
3171845). He would therefore assign the
p. 502
31719504
31720THE RIVER ACES.
31721Book III.
31722cured I have no certain knowledge. The story runs,
31723that the one-eyed Arimaspi purloin it from the griffins ;
31724but here too I am incredulous, and cannot persuade
31725myself that there is a race of men born with one eye,
31726who in all else resemble the rest of mankind. Never-
31727theless it seems to be true that the extreme regions of
31728the earth, which surround and shut up within them-
31729selves all other countries, produce the things which are
31730the rarest, and which men reckon the most beautiful.
31731117, There is a plain in Asia which is shut in on all
31732sides by a mountain-range, and in this mountain-range
31733are five openings. The plain lies on the confines of
31734the Chorasmians, Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians,
31735and Thaminasans, and belonged formerly to the first-
31736mentioned of those peoples. Ever since the Persians,
31737however, obtained the mastery of Asia, it has been the
31738property of the Great King. A mighty river, called
31739the Aces,^" flows from the hills inclosing the plain ; and
31740this stream, formerly, splitting into five channels, ran
31741through the five openings in the hills, and watered the
31742lands of the five nations which dwell around. The
31743whole of Siberia, including the Ural
31744and Altai chains, to Europe. The
31745Russian gold-mines in these moun-
31746tain-ranges, which were not very pro-
31747ductive up to a recent period (Heeren's
31748As. Nat. i. p. 45), have yielded enor-
31749mously of late years. The annual
31750production at the present time is said
31751to be from four to five million pounds
31752sterling.
31753'" The Aces has been taken for the
31754Oxus (Ji/hun), the Ochus (Tejend?),
31755the Margus {Murgah), the Acesines
31756{Chenab), and the Etymander (Htl-
31757mend). See Bahr ad loc. It should
31758undoubtedly be a stream in the vi-
31759cinity of the Elbnrz range, near
31760Meshed or Herat, where alone the
31761territories of the five nations named
31762could approach one another. But no
31763river can be found which at all answers
31764the description. The plain and the
31765five openings are probably a fable ;
31766but the origin of the tale may be
31767found in the distribution by the Per-
31768sian Government of the waters (most
31769likely) of the Heri-rud, which is
31770capable of being led through the hills
31771into the low country north of the
31772range, or of being prolonged westward
31773along the range, or finally of being
31774turned southward into the^ desert.
31775(See Ferrier's Caravan Journeys, pp.
31776139 et seqq.) The wild tribes now
31777quarrel for this stream, and not un-
31778frequently turn its course. In such
31779quarrels blood is often shed, and some-
31780times they are even the occasion of
31781actual wars (ibid. jjp. 276, 305, &c.).
31782Under a strong government, the Avater
31783sujiply would of course have been
31784regulated, and so good an opiwrtunity
31785of raising a revenue was no doubt
31786seized with alacrity. For the modern
31787Persian custom see the next note.
p. 503
31788Chap. 117, 118.
31789SALE OF WATER IN PERSIA.
31790505
31791Persian came, however, and conquered the region, and
31792then it went ill with the people of these lands. The
31793Great King blocked up all the passages between the
31794hills with dykes and flood-gates, and so prevented
31795the water from flowing out. Then the plain within
31796the hills became a sea, for the river kept rising, and
31797the water could find no outlet. From that time the
31798five nations which were wont formerly to have the use
31799of the stream, losing their accustomed supply of water,
31800have been in great distress. In winter, indeed, they
31801have rain from heaven like the rest of the world, but
31802in summer, after sowing their millet and Iheir sesame,
31803they always stood in need of water from the river.
31804When, therefore, they suffer from this want, hastening
31805to Persia, men and women alike, they take their station
31806at the gate of the king's palace, and wail aloud. Then
31807the king orders the flood-gates to be opened towards
31808the country whose need is greatest, and lets the soil
31809drink until it has had enough ; after which the gates
31810on this side are shut, and others are unclosed for the
31811nation which, of the remainder, needs it most. It has
31812been told me that the king never gives the order to
31813open the gates till the suppliants have paid him a large
31814sum of money over and above the tribute.^^
31815118. Of the seven Persians who rose up against the
31816Magus, one, Intaphernes, lost his life very shortly after
31817the outbreak,^ for an act of insolence. He wished to
31818" The sale of water is now practised
31819throughout the whole of Persia, and
31820the money thus raised forms a consi-
31821derable item in the revenue. Each
31822province has its Mirab, or Water-Lord,
31823who superintends the distribution of
31824the water within his district, and col-
31825lects the payments due on this account
31826from the inhabitants. Chardin says —
31827" Chaque province a un ofScier e'tabli
31828sur les eaux de la province, qu'on
31829appelle Mirab, c'est-a-dire Prince de
31830V Eau, qui regie la distribution de
31831I'eau partout, avec grande exactitude,
31832ayant toujours ses gens aux courans
31833des ruisseaux pour les faire aller de
31834canton en canton, et de champ en
31835champ, selon ses ordres. . . Les terres
31836et les jardins d'lspahan, et des en-
31837virons, payent vingt sols I'anne'e au
31838Iloi par girib, qui est leur mesure de
31839terre ordinaire, laquelle est moindre
31840qu'un arpent " (torn. iii. p. 100. Com-
31841lare Chesney's Euphrat. Exp. vol. ii.
31842p. 660).
31843' It seems probable that Herodotus
31844places this event too early in the his-
31845tory. It can scarcely have occurred
p. 504
31846506 FATE OF INTAPHERNES. Book III.
31847enter the palace and transact a certain business with
31848the king. Now the law was that all those who had
31849taken part in the rising against the Magus might enter
31850unannounced into the king's presence, unless he hap-
31851pened to he in private with his wife.^ So Intaphernes
31852would not have any one announce him, but, as he
31853belonged to the seven, claimed it as his right to go in.
31854The doorkeeper, however, and chief usher forbade his
31855entrance, since tbe king, they said, was with his wife.
31856But Intaphernes thought they told lies ; so, drawing
31857his scymitar, he cut off their noses and their ears,^ and,
31858hanging them on the bridle of his horse, put the bridle
31859round their necks, and so let them go.
31860119. Then these two men went and showed them-
31861selves to the kinor, and told him how it had come to
31862pass that they were thus treated. Darius trembled lest
31863it was by the common consent of the six that the deed
31864had been done ; he therefore sent for them all in turn,
31865and sounded them to know if they approved the con-
31866duct of Intaphernes. When he found by their answers
31867that there had been no concert between him and them,
31868he laid hands on Intaphernes, his children, and all
31869his near kindred ; strongly suspecting that he and his
31870friends were about to raise a revolt. When all had been
31871seized and put in chains, as malefactors condemned to
31872death, the wife of Intaphernes came and stood con-
31873before the revolt of Babj'lon (infra,
31874150-9), or Intaphernes would not have
31875regarded him as king of Persia before
31876Darius. (Pers. 1. 774, Scholef. Corn-
31877occupied the post of honour which he pare, however, Blomfield's note ad
31878fills in the Behistun Inscription (Col.
31879iv. par. 18, § 4), which was set up
31880subsequently to that event. (See Col.
31881Rawliuson's Additional Xote on the
31882Beh. Insc. p. xii.)
31883'^ Supra, eh. 84. It may be sus-
31884jjected tliat the revolt of Intaphernes
31885was a more serious matter than Hero-
31886dotus imagined. .Sschylus, who made
31887Intaphernes (his Artaphrenes) the
31888actual slayer of the Pseudo-Smerdis,
31889loo.)
31890' This mode of punishment has
31891always been common in the East.
31892With regard to its frequeucj- in an-
31893cient Persia see note * to ch. 69.
31894Chardin notices its continuance to his
31895day (tom. iii. p. 293). Its infliction
31896by the revolted Sepoys on our own
31897countrjTnen and countrywomen in
318981857 will occur to all readers.
p. 505
31899Chap. 119, 120. ORCETES, SATRAP OF SARDIS.
31900507
31901tinually at the palace-gates, weeping and wailing sore.
31902So Darius after a while, seeing that she never ceased
31903to stand and weep, was touched with pity for her, and
31904bade a messenger go to her and say, " Lady, king
31905Darius gives thee as a boon the life of one of thy kins-
31906men— choose which thou wilt of the prisoners." Then
31907she pondered awhile before she answered, " If the king
31908grants me the life of one alone, I make choice of my
31909brother." Darius when he heard the reply, was asto-
31910nished, and sent again, saying, " Lady, the king bids
31911thee tell him why it is that thou passest by thy husband
31912and thy children, and preferrest to have the life of thy
31913brother spared. He is not so near to thee as thy
31914children, nor so dear as thy husband." She answered,
31915"Oh! king, if the gods will, I may have another hus-
31916band and other children when these are gone. But as
31917my father and my mother are no more, it is impossible
31918that I should have another brother.* This was my
31919thought when I asked to have my brother spared."
31920Then it seemed to Darius that the lady spoke well,
31921and he gave her, besides the life that she had asked,
31922the life also of her eldest son, because he was greatly
31923pleased with her. But he slew all the rest. Thus one
31924of the seven died, in the way I have described, very
31925shortly after the insurrection.
31926120. About the time of Cambyses' last sickness,
31927the following events happened. There was a certain
31928Oroetes,^ a Persian, whom Cyrus had made governor of
31929Sardis. This man conceived a most unholy wish. He
31930had never suffered wrong ® or had an ill word from Poly-
31931* The resemblance of this to Anti-
31932gone's speech is very striking : —
31933irdcrts /xev av (jioi, KarBavovTOf, dAAos ^i',
31934KaX Traij an' iWov (jtuiTOi, el TOvS' tjh-ttAoucoi'"
31935IxrjTpoi; S' ev AtSoy Kal Trarpbc KGKevOoTOLVt
31936oiiK ioT aS€A(^bs 6<7Ti5 av p\a<TTol ttotc.
31937Soph. Antig. 909-912.
31938But the internal evidence would show
31939Sophocles rather than Herodotus to
31940VOL. II.
31941have been the plagiarist. (See Blakes-
31942ley's note ad loc.)
31943* Orontes, according to other writers.
31944(Diod. Sic. xxi. ; Lucian. Conteoipl.
3194514.)
31946* Diodorus (1. s. c.) mentions an
31947outrage committed by Polycrates,
31948which he regards as a ground of quar-
31949rel between him and Orcetes. Certain
319502 M
p. 506
31951508
31952MITROBATES OF DASCYLEIUM.
31953Book III.
31954crates the Samian — nay, lie bad not so much as seen
31955him in all his life ; yet, notwithstaudiug, he conceived
31956the wish to seize him and put him to death. This wish,
31957according to the account which the most part give,
31958arose from what happened one day as he was sitting
31959with another Persian in the gate of the king's palace.
31960The man's name was Mitrohates, and he was ruler of
31961the satrapy of Dascyleium.' He and Oroetes had been
31962Lydians, he says, had fled from the
31963oppressive government of the Sardian
31964Satrap, and taken refuge at Samos.
31965Polycrates received them courteously,
31966but afterwards murdered them for the
31967sake of their wealth. But it is not
31968easy to see how this would anger
31969Orcetes, who could have had no par-
31970ticular interest in the welfare of the
31971fugitives.
31972'^ Dascyleium was the capital city
31973of the great northern satrapy, which
31974at this time (according to Herodotus,
31975supra, ch. 90) included the whole of
31976Phrygia. In later times central Phrygia
31977certainly formed a distinct satrapy,
31978and the satrapy of which Dascyleium
31979was the capital was called the satrapy
31980of Mysia, of Phrygia on the Hellespont,
31981or sometimes of ^Eolis. (Cf. Arrian.
31982i. 12, and Xen. Hell. iii. i. 10 and ii.
319831.) Xenophon describes the city as
31984a most luxurious residence. " Here,"
31985he says, " was the palace of the sa-
31986trap, Pharnabazus ; and in the neigh-
31987bourhood were many great villages
31988abounding with all the necessaries of
31989life. There were vast numbers of
31990animals of the chase, some in enclosed
31991parks, others in the open countiy. A
31992river flowed by full of all kinds of
31993fish : and there were also in the re-
31994gion round about a multitude of birds
31995for such as were skilled in fowling."
31996(Hellen. lY. i. § 15.)
31997The beauty of the scenery and the
31998richness of the soil in this part of
31999Bithynia are noticed by modern tra-
32000vellers. (Hamilton's Asia Minor, ii.
32001p. 85.) The exact site of Dascyleium
32002is doubtful. The modern Turkish vil-
32003lage of DiasJciUi, which certainly re-
32004tains the name, is supposed to mark
32005the place where the city stood. (Ren-
32006nell, W. Asia, i. p. 104.) If that vil-
32007lage, however, be coiTectly given in
32008the maps, which all place it upon the
32009coast, I carmot think that it occujiies
32010the site of the ancient Dascyleium.
32011That city must, I think, like all the
32012other Asiatic capitals (Sardis, Ceten^,
32013Xanthus, Tarsus, &c.) have lain at
32014some distance from the shore. This
32015is evidenced by the silence of Xeno-
32016phon and Strabo, and the omission of
32017Dascyleium from Scylax's Periplus.
32018From the two passages in Strabo (xii.
32019p. 797 and 830) where Dascyleium is
32020mentioned, it may be collected that it
32021lay upon the modem Lufer Su, the
32022Nilofer of Renuell, where that stream
32023formed a lake, Strabo's lake Dascj'-
32024litis, before its junction vdih. the
32025Rhyndacus. The maps mostly make
32026the Lufer Su run into the sea, a little
32027to the east of the Rhyndacus. This
32028is incorrect. The naval surveys have
32029shown that no river of importance
32030enters the sea between the Ascanias,
32031at the head of the gulf of Moudaniah
32032and the mouth of the Rhyndacus.
32033There seems to be no doubt, therefore,
32034although this part of the interior has
32035not been fully explored, that the Lufer
32036Su joins the Rhyndacus some way
32037from its mouth. It would, therefore,
32038be the Rb;^mus of Hecatasus (Fragm.
32039202), and the whole statement of that
32040writer would (with one correction)
32041express the truth. 'EttI S' 'AXa^la
32042TToXei TTOTOfibs 6 Pvfios pecov 8ia Mv-
32043ydovrjs Trebiov otto (1. i tv 1) hvaios in
32044TTJs Xifj-vrjs r^s AaaKvXiTiSos es 'Pvv-
32045BuKov eVSaXXet.
32046According to Stephen (ad voc.)
32047Dascyleium was founded by a certain
p. 507
32048Ch. 121, 122. ORCETES PLOTS THE DEATH OF POLYCEATES. 509
32049talking together, and from talking they fell to quar-
32050relling and comparing their merits ; whereupon Mitro-
32051bates said to Oroetes reproachfully, " Art thou worthy
32052to be called a man, when, near as Samos lies to thy
32053government, and easy as it is to conquer, thou hast
32054omitted to bring it under the dominion of the king ?
32055Easy to conquer, said I ? Why, a mere common citizen,
32056with the help of fifteen men-at-arms, mastered the
32057island, and is still king of it." Oroetes, they say, took
32058this reproach greatly to heart ; but, instead of seeking
32059to revenge himself on the man by whom it was uttered,
32060he conceived the desire of destroying Polycrates, since
32061it was on Polycrates' account that the reproach had
32062fallen on him.
32063121. Another less common version of the story is
32064that Oroetes sent a herald to Samos to make a request,
32065the nature' of which is not stated ; Polycrates was at
32066the time reclining in the apartment of the males, and
32067Anacreon the Teian was with him ; when therefore the
32068herald came forward to converse, Polycrates, either out
32069of studied contempt for the power of Oroetes, or it may
32070be merely by chance, was lying with his face turned
32071away towards the wall ; and so he lay all the time that
32072the herald sjoake, and when he ended, did not even
32073vouchsafe him a word.
32074122. Such are the two reasons alleged for the death
32075of Polycrates ; it is open to all to believe which they
32076please. What is certain is, that Oroetes, while residing
32077at Magnesia on the Mseander, sent a Lydian, by name
32078Myrsus, the son of Gyges,^ with a message to Polycrates
32079at Samos, well knowing what that monarch designed.
32080For Polycrates entertained a design which no other
32081Greek, so far as we know, ever formed before him,
32082unless it were Minos the Cnossian,^ and those (if there
32083Dascyltis, whom he calls " the son of
32084Periaudus," It is uncertain whether
32085he means the father of Gyges.
32086^ Vide infra, v. 121.
32087^ Concerning the daXaa-aoKparia of
32088Minos, cf. Thucyd. i. 4 and 8. Tlie
320892 M 2
p. 508
32090510
32091HIS LETTER.
32092Book III.
32093were any siicli) who had the mastery of the ^gsean
32094at an earher time — Polycrates, I say, was the first of
32095mere human birth who conceived the design of gaining
32096the empire of the sea, and aspired to rule over Ionia
32097and the islands.^ Knowing then that Polycrates was
32098thus minded, Oroetes sent his message, which ran as
32099follows : —
32100" Oroetes to Polycrates thus sayeth : I hear thou
32101raisest thy thoughts high, but thy means are not equal
32102to thy ambition. Listen then to my words, and learn
32103how thou mayest at once serve thyself and preserve
32104me. King Cambyses is bent on my destruction — of
32105this I have warning from a sure hand. Come thou,
32106therefore, and fetch me away, me and all my wealth —
32107share my wealth with me, and then, so far as money
32108can aid, thou mayest make thyself master of the whole
32109of Grreece. But if thou doubtest of my wealth, send
32110the trustiest of thy followers, and I will show my
32111treasures to him."
32112123. Polycrates, when he heard this message, was
32113full of joy, and straightway approved the terms ; but,
32114as money was what he chiefly desired, before stirring
32115in the business he sent his secretary, Maeandrius, son
32116of Maeandrius,^ a Samian, to look into the matter.
32117This was the man who, not very long afterwards, made
32118an offering at the temple of Juno of all the furniture
32119which had adorned the male apartments in the palace
32120of Polycrates, an offering well worth seeing. Oroetes
32121clear line which Herodotus here draws
32122between the heroic and the historic
32123period is very remarlcable. Thucy-
32124dides makes no such distinction. (See
32125i. 9-10 ; ii. 15, &c.)
32126* The Samians are generally said
32127to have obtained the daXaa-o-oKparia
32128under Polycrates (cf. Thucyd. i. 13 ;
32129Euseb. Chron. Can. ii. p. 334; 01.
3213062, 4), whose authority over the
32131islands is shown by his taking Ehenea
32132and giving it to the Delians. (Thuc.
321331. s. 0.) According to Eusebius this
32134was the thirteenth Bakaa-a-onpaTia after
32135that of Minos ; none of the interme-
32136diate 6a\acr(ToiS.Tiai, however, are as-
32137sociated with tlie name of a jyerson.
32138^ This is the only instance in Hero-
32139dotus of a Greek bearing the name of
32140his father. Two cases occur of Per-
32141sians— Artaphernes, son of Artapher-
32142nes (vi. 94), and Hydames, son of
32143Hydarnes (vii. 83). By the time of
32144Demosthenes, the practice had become
32145common in Greece. (Cf. Valck. ad
32146loc.)
p. 509
32147Chap. 123-125. POLYCEATES ENTEAPPED AND SLAIN.
32148511
32149learning that one was coming to view his treasures,
32150contrived as follows : — he filled eight great chests
32151almost brimful of stones, and then covering over the
32152stones with gold, corded the chests, and so held them
32153in readiness.^ When Mseandrius arrived, he was shown
32154this as Oroetes' treasure, and having seen it returned to
32155Samos.
32156124. On hearing his account, Polycrates, notwith-
32157standing many warnings given him by the soothsayers,
32158and much dissuasion of his friends, made ready to go
32159in person. Even the dream which visited his daughter
32160failed to check him. She had dreamed that she saw
32161her father hanging high in air, washed by Jove, and
32162anointed by the sun. Having therefore thus dreamed,
32163she used every effort to prevent her father from going ;
32164even as he went on board his penteconter crying
32165after him with words of evil omen. Then Polycrates
32166threatened her that, if he returned in safety, he would
32167keep her unmarried many years. She answered, " Oh !
32168that he might perform his threat ; far better for her to
32169remain long unmarried than to be bereft of her father !"
32170125. Polycrates, however, making light of all the
32171counsel offered him, set sail and went to Oroetes. Many
32172friends accompanied him ; among the rest, Democedes,
32173the son of Calliphon, a native of Crotona, who was a
32174physician, and the best skilled in his art of all men then
32175living. Polycrates, on his arrival at Magnesia, perished
32176miserably, in a way unworthy of his rank and of his
32177lofty schemes. For, if we except the Syracusans,* there
32178has never been one of the Greek tyrants who was to be
32179compared with Polycrates for magnificence. Oroetes,
32180however, slew him in a mode which is not fit to be
32181' Compare the similar artifice by
32182which Hannibal deceived the Gor-
32183tyniaus (Corn. Nep. Vit. Hannibal.
32184§ 9) : " Amphoras complures complet
32185plumbo ; summas operit auro et ar-
32186gento."
32187* Gelo, Hiero, and Thrasybulus,
32188three brothers, who successively ruleii
32189over Syracuse from B.C. 485 to B.C.
32190466. (Vide infra, vii. 153, et seqq.)
32191For the magnificence of Hiero, see
32192Pindar. Pyth. i.-iii.
p. 510
32193512
32194INSOLENCE OF ORCETES.
32195Book III.
32196described,^ and tlien hung liis dead body upon a cross.
32197His Samian followers Oroetes let go free, bidding them
32198thank him that they were allowed their liberty ; the
32199rest, who were in part slaves, in part free foreigners,
32200he alike treated as his slaves by conquest. Then was
32201the dream of the daughter of Polycrates fulfilled ; for
32202Polycrates, as he hung upon the cross, and rain fell
32203on him, was washed by Jupiter ; and he was anointed
32204by the sun, when his own moisture overspread his body.
32205And so the vast good fortune of Polycrates came at
32206last to the end which Amasis the Egyptian king had
32207prophesied in days gone by.
32208126. It was not long before retribution for the
32209murder of Polycrates overtook Oroetes. After the
32210death of Cambyses, and during all the time that the
32211Magus sat upon the throne, Oroetes remained in Sardis,
32212and brought no help to the Persians, whom the Medes
32213had robbed of the sovereignty. On the contrary,
32214amid the troubles of this season,^ he slew Mitrobates,
32215* It is conjectured that he was flayed
32216alive. (Wesseling, Bahr, Larcher,
32217ad loo.) I should be inclined to
32218suspect some more horrible and un-
32219usual mode of death, such as that
32220mentioned by Plutarch in his life of
32221Artaxerxes, under the name of aKa-
32222(peva-is, and described by him at great
32223length (§16).
32224® The " troubles of this season "
32225form the main subject-matter of the
32226Behistun Inscription. They may be
32227summed up as follows : —
322281. A revolt in Susiana, under
32229Atrines, son of Opadarmes, which was
32230put down easily.
322312. A revolt of Babylonia, under a
32232pretender claiming to be the son of
32233the last king, Labynetus (Nabunit),
32234which was of the most serious cha-
32235racter, requiring the presence of Darius
32236himself to quell it. Two great battles
32237were fought between the king's forces
32238and the insurgents, in both of which
32239Darius was victorious. Babylon then
32240submitted, without standing a siege.
322413. A combined revolt of the three
32242most important provinces of Assyria,
32243Media, and Armenia. A descendant,
32244real or supposed, of the ancient line
32245of Median kings (" Xathrites, of the
32246race of Cyaxares ") was placed upon
32247the throne. Six actions were fought
32248between the rebels and the king's
32249generals, of whom Hydames was one ;
32250and at last Darius took the field in
32251person. Xathrites was then defeated,
32252taken prisoner, and put to death at
32253Agbatana. This is the Median revolt
32254of^Herodotus (i. 130).
322554. An unimportant revolt in Sa-
32256gartia.
322575. A rebellion in the eastern pro-
32258vinces of Parthia, Hyrcania, and Mar-
32259giana, a district of Bactria, which was
32260suppressed by Hystaspes, the father
32261of Darius, aided by Dadarses, satrap
32262of Bactria.
322636. An insurrection in Persia, where
32264another pretender came forward to
32265personate Smerdis, and assumed the
32266title of king of Persia.
322677. A rebellion in Arachosia, fo-
32268mented by this Pseudo-Smerdis. 8.
p. 511
32269Chap. 126, 127. APPEAL OF DARIUS TO HIS NOBLES.
32270513
32271the satrap of Dascyleium, who had cast the reproach
32272upon him in the matter of Polycrates ; and he slew also
32273Mitrobates's son, Cranaspes, — both men of high repute
32274among the Persians. He was likewise guilty of many
32275other acts of insolence ; among the rest, of the following :
32276• — There was a courier sent to him by Darius whose
32277message was not to his mind — Oroetes had him way-
32278laid and murdered on his road back to the king ; the
32279man and his horse both disappeared, and no traces were
32280left of either.
32281127. Darius therefore was no sooner settled upon the
32282throne than he longed to take vengeance upon Oroetes
32283for all his misdoings, and especially for the murder of
32284Mitrobates and his son. To send an armed force openly
32285against him, however, he did not think advisable, as
32286the whole kingdom was «till unsettled, and he too was
32287but lately' come to the throne, while Oroetes, as he under-
32288stood, had a great. power. In truth a thousand Persians
32289attended on him as a body-guard, and he held the
32290satrapies of Phrygia, Lydia, and Ionia. ^ Darius there-
32291fore proceeded by artifice. He called together a meet-
32292ing of all the chief of the Persians, and thus addressed
32293them : — " Who among you, oh ! Persians, will under-
32294take to accomplish me a matter by skill without force or
32295tumult ? Force is misplaced where the work wants
32296skilful management. Who, then, will undertake to
32297bring me Oroetes alive, or else to kill him ? He never
32298did the Persians any good in his life, and he has
32299wrought us abundant injury. Two of our number,
323008. A second revolt of Babylon,
32301probably the one which Herodotus
32302intended to describe, which was put
32303do^\^l by one of Darius's generals,
32304named Intaphres.
323059. A rebellion of the Sacje or Scy-
32306thians.
32307These troubles appear to have oc-
32308cupied the first six years of the reign
32309of Darius. It is impossible to say at
32310what point of time within this period
32311the proceedings against Oroetes took
32312place. They certainly preceded the
32313second revolt of Babylon, but perhaps
32314not by more than a year or two.
32315' The first, second, and third sa-
32316trapies of our author (v. s. ch. 90),
32317being the whole of Asia Minor except
32318Cilicia. But it may be questioned
32319whether the satrapial system loas yet
32320introduced.
p. 512
32321514
32322OFFER OF BAG^US,
32323Book III.
32324Mitrobates and his son, he has slain ; and when mes-
32325sengers go to recall him, even though they have their
32326mandate from me, with an insolence which is not to be
32327endured, he puts them to death.^ We must kill this
32328man, therefore, before he does the Persians any greater
32329hurt."
32330128. Thus spoke Darius ; and straightway thirty of
32331those present came forward and offered themselves for
32332the work. As they strove together, Darius interfered,
32333and bade them have recourse to the lot. Accordingly
32334lots were cast, and the task fell to Bagseus, son of
32335Artontes. Then Bagaeus caused many letters to be
32336written on divers matters, and sealed them all with
32337the king's signet ; after which he took the letters with
32338him, and departed for Sardis. On his arrival he was
32339shown into the presence of Oroetes, when he uncovered
32340the letters one by one, and giving them to the king's
32341secretary — every satrap has with him a king's secre-
32342tary ® — commanded him to read their contents. Herein
32343his design was to try the fidelity of the body-guard,
32344and to see if they would be likely to fall away from
32345Oroetes. When therefore he saw that they showed
32346the letters all due respect, and even more highly reve-
32347renced their contents, he gave the secretary a paper in
32348which was written, " Persians, king Darius forbids you
32349to guard Oroetes." The soldiers at these words laid
32350aside their spears. So Bagseus, finding that they
32351obeyed this mandate, took courage, and gave into the
32352secretary's hands the last letter, wherein it was written,
32353" King Darius commands the Persians who are in
32354® Turkish pachas and Persian go-
32355vernors have often had recourse to
32356similar stratagems. Chardin says
32357(tom. iii. p. 310) : "II y a des exemples
32358de gouverneurs qui ont ou retarde, ou
32359empeche de ces exe'cutions. lis avoient
32360eu avis qu'on avoit re'solu de les perdre
32361de cette maniere, et ils avoient mis des
32362gens en embuscade jMur enlever le cou-
32363rier, ou pour lui prendre I'ordre du Koi,
32364en le volant." Ali Pacha is said to
32365have done this rei^eatedly.
32366^ In modem Persia the court at-
32367taches three officers to every governor
32368of a province, one of whom is even
32369now called secretary. His business is
32370to keep the king informed of all that
32371passes at the court of the governor.
32372(See Chardin, tom. iii. p. 302.)
p. 513
32373Chap. 128-130. STORY OF DEMOCEDES, THE CROTONIAT. 515
32374Sardis to kill Oroetes." Then the guards drew their
32375swords and slew him upon the spot. Thus did retri-
32376bution for the murder of Poljcrates the Samian over-
32377take Oroetes the Persian.
32378129. Soon after the treasures of Oroetes had been
32379conveyed to Sardis ^° it happened that king Darius, as
32380he leaped from his horse during the chase, sprained
32381his foot. The sprain was one of no common severity,
32382for the ancle-bone was forced quite out of the socket.
32383Now Darius already had at his court certain Egyptians
32384whom he reckoned the best-skilled physicians in all the
32385world ;^ to their aid, therefore, he had recourse ; but
32386they twisted the foot so clumsily, and used such violence,
32387that they only made the mischief greater. For seven
32388days and seven nights the king lay without sleep, so
32389grievous was the pain he suffered. On the eighth day
32390of his indisposition, one who had heard before leaving
32391Sardis of the skill of Democedes the Crotoniat, told
32392Darius, who commanded that he should be brought
32393with all speed into his presence. When, therefore,
32394they had found him among the slaves of Oroetes, quite
32395uncared for by any one, they brought him just as he
32396was, clanking his fetters, and all clothed in rags, before
32397the king.
32398130. As soon as he was entered into the presence,
32399Darius asked him if he knew medicine — to which he
32400answered " No," for he feared that if he made himself
32401known he would lose all chance of ever again beholding
32402Grreece. Darius, however, perceiving that he dealt
32403deceitfully, and really understood the art, bade those
32404who had brought him to the presence, go fetch the
32405'" In the East the disgrace of a
32406governor, or other great man, has
32407always involved the forfeiture of his
32408projierty to the crown. Chardin says :
32409" Toute disgrace en Perse emporte
32410infailliblement avec soi la confiscation
32411des biens" (torn. iii. p. 310). So we
32412find in the decrees of Cyrus, reported
32413by Josephns (Antiq. xii. 1), that
32414transgressors were to be crucified,
32415and their goods forfeited to the king
32416(ras ovcrias avrwv dvai ^atrtXiKas) ;
32417compare also Antiq. xii. ch. 4.
32418' On the celebrity of the Egyj^tians
32419as jjhysicians see Book ii. ch. 84,
32420note *, and supra, ch. i. note *.
p. 514
32421516
32422HOW ATTACHED TO POLYCRATES.
32423Book HI.
32424scourges and the pricking-irons.^ Upon this Democedes
32425made confession, but at the same time said, that he
32426had no thorough knowledge of medicine — he had but
32427hved some time with a physician, and in this way
32428had gained a sHght smattering of the art. However,
32429Darius put himself under his care, and Democedes, by
32430using the remedies customary among the Greeks, and
32431exchanging the violent treatment of the Egyptians for
32432milder means, first enabled him to get some sleep, and
32433then in a very little time restored him altogether,
32434after he had quite lost the hope of ever having the
32435use of his foot. Hereupon the king presented Demo-
32436cedes with two sets of fetters wrought in gold ; so
32437Democedes asked if he meant to double his sufferings,
32438because he had brought him back to health ? Darius
32439was pleased at the speech, and bade the eunuchs take
32440Democedes to see his wives, wdiich they did accordingly,
32441telling them all that this was the man who had saved
32442the king's life. Then each of the wives dipped with a
32443saucer into the chest of gold, and gave so bountifully
32444to Democedes, that a slave named Sciton, who followed
32445him, and picked up the staters^ which fell from the
32446saucers, gathered together a great heap of gold.
32447131. This Democedes left his country and became
32448attached to Polycrates in the following way : — His
32449father, who dwelt at Crotona, was a man of a savage
32450temper, and treated him cruelly. When, therefore, he
32451could no longer bear such constant ill-usage, Democedes
32452left his home, and sailed away to ^gina. There he
32453* Perhaps the hlindiv g-irous, the
32454irepovui cnhrjpai of Procopius (De Bell.
32455Pers. i. 7, § 6). In ancient, as in modern
32456times, putting out the eyes has been
32457a Persian punishment. (Cf. Xen.
32458Anab. i. ix. 13.)
32459^ By staters we must here under-
32460stand Darics, the earliest gold-coin of
32461Persia. Herodotus in another place
32462calls them Daric staters (vii. 28).
32463These were of very nearly the same
32464value as the staters principally current
32465in Greece. The stater of Cyzicus
32466weighed, probably, about 140 grains ;
32467that of Athens 132^ ; that of Lampsa-
32468cus 129; that of Phocaja 127, The
32469Daric is found, from the specimens
32470which remain, to weigh 128:^ grains.
32471(See Hussey's Ancient Weights and
32472Measures, ch. vii. ; and vide infra,
32473vii. 28.)
p. 515
32474Chap. 131, 132. DEMOCEDES IN FAVOUE WITH DARIUS.
32475517
32476set up in business, and succeeded the first year in sur-
32477passing all the best-skilled physicians of the place, not-
32478withstanding that he was without instruments, and had
32479with him none of the appliances needful for the practice
32480of his art. In the second year the state of ^gina
32481hired his services at the price of a talent ; in the third
32482the Athenians engaged him at a hundred minse ; and
32483in the fourth Polycrates at two talents.* So he went
32484to Samos, and there took up his abode. It was in no
32485small measure from his success that the Crotoniats
32486came to be reckoned such good physicians ; for about
32487this period the physicians of Crotona had the name of
32488being the best, and those of Cyrene the second best, in
32489all Greece. The Argives, about the same time, were
32490thought to be the first musicians in Greece.
32491132. After Democedes had cured Darius at Susa, he
32492dwelt there in a large house, and feasted daily at the
32493king's table, nor did he lack anything that his heart
32494desired, excepting liberty to return to his country.
32495By interceding for them with Darius, he saved the lives
32496of the Egyptian physicians who had had the care of
32497the king before he came, when they were about to be
32498impaled, because they had been surpassed by a Greek :
32499and further, he succeeded in rescuing an Elean sooth-
32500sayer,^ who had followed the fortunes of Polycrates,
32501and was lying in utter neglect among his slaves. In
32502* Herodotus, where he mentions no
32503standard, must be regarded as intend-
32504ing the Attic, which was in general
32505use throughout Greece in his own day.
32506The salary of Democedes will therefore
32507be : — 1st year, 60 mince., or 243Z. 15s. ;
325082nd year, 100 mince, or 406Z. 5s. ;
325093rd year, 120 mince, or 487^. 10s.
32510Valckenaer thinks that neither Athens
32511nor ^gina could have afforded such
32512large sums (note ad loc). But it
32513must be remembered that Athens was
32514at this time under the tyranny of
32515Pisistratus. Perhaps, however, the
32516descendants of Democedes, from whom
32517Herodotus, it is likely, received the
32518tale, magnified the amount, to enhance
32519the glory of their ancestor. The em-
32520ployment of state-physicians in Greece
32521is noticed by Xeuophon (Mem, iv. ii,
32522§ 5) and Plato (Gorg. pp. 21-4 ; Leg.
32523iv. p. 193).
32524' Elis about this time appears to
32525have furnished soothsayers to all
32526Greece. The Phocians (viii. 36) had
32527an Elean soothsayer, named Tellias.
32528And at Plat£ea the soothsayers on
32529both sides were of the same nation
32530(ix, 33, and 37). The gift was here-
32531ditary in certain families (vide infra,
32532ix. 33).
p. 516
32533518 HIS REQUEST TO ATOSSA. Book III.
32534short there was no one who stood so high as Democedes
32535in the favour of the king.
32536133. Moreover, within a little while it happened
32537that Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, who was mar-
32538ried to Darius, had a boil form upon her breast,
32539which, after it burst, began to spread and increase.
32540Now so long as the sore was of no great size, she hid it
32541through shame and made no mention of it to any one ;
32542but when it became worse, she sent at last for Demo-
32543cedes, and showed it to him. Democedes said that he
32544would make her well, but she must first promise him
32545with an oath that if he cured her she would grant him
32546whatever request he might prefer ; assuring her at the
32547same time that it should be nothing which she could
32548blush to hear.
32549134. On these terms Democedes applied his art, and
32550soon cured the abscess ; and Atossa, when she had
32551heard his request, spake thus one night to Darius : —
32552" It seemeth to me strange, my lord, that, with the
32553mighty power which is thine, thou sittest idle, and
32554neither makest any conquest, nor advancest the power
32555of the Persians. Methinks that one who is so young,
32556and so richly endowed with wealth, should perform
32557some noble achievement to prove to the Persians that it
32558is a man who governs them. Another reason, too,
32559should urge thee to attempt some enterprise. Not
32560only does it befit thee to show the Persians that a man
32561rules them, but for thy own peace thou shouldest waste
32562their strength in wars lest idleness breed revolt against
32563thy authority. Now, too, whilst thou art still young,
32564thou mayest well accomplish some exploit ; for as the
32565body grows in strength the mind too ripens, and as the
32566body ages, the mind's powers decay, till at last it
32567becomes dulled to everything."
32568So spake Atossa, as Democedes had instructed her.
32569Darius answered : — " Dear lady, thou hast uttered the
32570very thoughts that occupy my brain. I am minded to
32571construct a bridge which shall join our continent with
p. 517
32572Chap. 133-135. SEA-COASTS OF GREECE EXPLORED. 519
32573the other, and so carry war into Scythia. Yet a brief
32574space and all will be accomplished as thou desirest."
32575But Atossa rejoined : — " Look now, this war with
32576Scythia were best reserved awhile — for the Scythians
32577may be conquered at any time. Prithee, lead me thy
32578host first into Greece. I long to be served by some of
32579those Lacedaemonian maids of whom I have heard so
32580much. I want also Argive, and Athenian, and Corin-
32581thian women. ^ There is now at the court a man who
32582can tell thee better than any one else in the whole world
32583whatever thou wouldst know concerning Greece, and
32584who might serve thee right well as guide : I mean him
32585who performed the cure on thy foot."
32586" Dear lady," Darius answered, " since it is thy wish
32587that we try first the valour of the Greeks, it were best,
32588methinks, before marching against them, to send some
32589Persians to spy out the land ; they may go in company
32590with the man thou mentionest, and when they have
32591seen and learnt all, they can bring us back a full report.
32592Then, having a more perfect knowledge of them, I will
32593begin the war."
32594135. Darius, having so spoke, put no long distance
32595between the word and the deed, but as soon as day
32596broke he summoned to his presence fifteen Persians of
32597note, and bade them take Democedes for their guide,
32598and explore the sea-coasts of Greece. Above all, they
32599were to be sure to bring Democedes back with them,
32600and not suffer him to run away and escape. After he
32601had given these orders, Darius sent for Democedes, and
32602besought him to serve as guide to the Persians, and
32603when he had shown them the whole of Greece to come
32604* It has been remarked (Mure's • is ascribed to Darius.) The contra-
32605Lit, of Greece, voL iv. p. 406) that diction is certainly glaring, and no
32606this anecdote is at variance with doubt the anecdotes came from dif-
32607others in Herodotus, which represent
32608the Persians as profoundly ignorant
32609of the leading Greek states at a date
32610long subsequent to the present. (See
32611below, V. 73, and especially v. 105,
32612where utter ignorance of the Athenians
32613ferent sources. That in the text is in
32614all probability derived from the de-
32615scendants of Democedes at Crotona,
32616and thus has some claim to attention.
32617(See however note * on cb. 138.)
p. 518
32618520
32619ESCAPE OF DEMOCEDES.
32620Book III.
32621back to Persia. He should take, he said, all the
32622valuables he possessed as presents to his father and his
32623brothers, and he should receive on his return a far
32624more abundant store. Moreover, the king added, he
32625would give him, as his contribution towards the presents,
32626a merchant-ship^ laden with all manner of precious
32627things, which should accompany him on his voyage.
32628Now I do not believe that Darius, when he made these
32629promises, had any guile in his heart : Democedes,
32630however, who suspected that the king spoke to try
32631him, took care not to snatch at the offers with any
32632haste ; but said, " he would leave his own goods behind
32633to enjoy upon his return — the merchant-ship which the
32634king proposed to grant him to carry gifts to his
32635brothers, that he would accept at the king's hands."
32636So when Darius had laid his orders upon Democedes,
32637he sent him and the Persians awav to the coast.
32638136. The men went down to Phoenicia, to Sidon, the
32639Phoenician town, where straightway they fitted out two
32640triremes and a trading-vessel, which they loaded with
32641all manner of j^recious merchandise ; and, everything
32642being now ready, they set sail for Greece. When they
32643had made the land, they kept along the shore and
32644examined it, taking notes of all that they saw ;^ and in
32645' Literally, " a j-ozmcZ-built vessel."
32646The word yavXos (yavXos) is clearly
32647of Semitic origin, and connects -with
32648the Hebrew hhl " volvo," and ^|Vj
32649" orhis, sphasra." All manner of round
32650objects are named from this root : as,
32651rh}hi " a skull " (comp. Golgotha) ;
32652rhip " a scroll ;" ]vhi " a mirror ;"
32653hhi "dung" (of horses); r\^i "a cup,
32654a bowl." This last word seems to be
32655the original of the Greek yavXos,
32656which is used for a bowl or bucket
32657(infra, vi. 119), as well as for a round-
32658built vessel. It may be remarked that
32659the Greek ^Titers use yavXos spe-
32660cially, if not solely, for a Phoenician
32661merchant-ship. See below, \'iii. 97,
32662yavXovs 'Poiv iKTjtovs, And Calli-
32663machus, KvTrpoOe StSdi'toy fie Karrj-
32664yayev evBabe yavXos. Epicharmus
32665(ap. Athen. Deip. vii. p. 320, C),
32666yavXo'L(Tiv iv ^ o ivikiko'ls. And the
32667Scholiast (ad Aristoph. Av. 572),
32668yavXos, ^oivLKiKov. And Hesy-
32669chius, yavXoi., ra jroifieviKa tov yaXoK-
32670Tos dyyela, koi tci ^olvlkci (1. ^oiviiciKa)
32671nXola. (See Bochart's Phaleg. ii. xi.)
32672^ Larcher renders " ils leverent le
32673plan," and Lan>re " zeichneten sie
32674auf." But aTToypdcpeiv never bears
32675this meaning in Greek ; it is always
32676" to take notes " or " register." (See
32677ii. 145, V. 29, vii. 100, and compare
32678Scott and Liddell in voc.) The map
32679exhibited _by Aristagoras at Athens
32680(infra, v. 49) appears to have been
32681the earliest of which Herodotus had
32682any knowledge.
p. 519
32683Chap. 136, 137.
32684PURSUIT OF DEMOCEDES.
32685521
32686this way they explored the greater portion of the
32687country, and all the most famous regions, until at last
32688they reached Tarentum in Italy. There Aristophilides,
32689king of the Tarentines,^ out of kindness to Democedes,
32690took the rudders off the Median ships, and detained
32691their crews as spies. Meanwhile Democedes escaped to
32692Crotona, his native city,^° whereupon Aristophilides
32693released the Persians from prison, and gave their
32694rudders hack to them.
32695137. The Persians now quitted Tarentum, and sailed
32696to Crotona in pursuit of Democedes ; they found him in
32697the market-place, where they straightway laid violent
32698hands on him. Some of the Crotoniats, who greatly
32699feared the power of the Persians, were willing to give
32700him up ; but others resisted, held Democedes fast, and
32701even struck the Persians with their walking-sticks.
32702They, on their part, kejDt crying out, " Men of Crotona,
32703beware what you do. It is the king's runaway slave
32704that you are rescuing. Think you Darius will tamely
32705submit to such an insult ? Think you, that if you
32706carry off the man from us, it will hereafter go well with
32707you ? Will you not rather be the first persons on
32708whom we shall make war ? Will not your city be the
32709first we shall seek to lead away captive ?" Thus they
32710S23ake, but the Crotoniats did not heed them : they
32711rescued Democedes," and seized also the trading-ship
32712which the Persians had brought with them from
32713Phoenicia. Thus robbed, and bereft of their guide, the
32714® Aristophilides is king OacrtXevc),
32715not tyrant (rvpai/i/oy), of Tarentum.
32716As Tarentum was founded from Sparta
32717(Ephor. Frag. 53 ; Antioch. Frag. 14),
32718it is probable that it had constitutional
32719kings from the first.
32720'" Crotona (the modern town of
32721Crotone, a bishop's see, and a place
32722of some trade) was distant about 150
32723miles along shore from Tarentum
32724(^Ihranto).
32725" The reality of this rescue receives
32726a certain degree of confirmation from
32727a story told by Athensus (Deipn. xii.
32728p. 522, A.). It was a custom at
32729Crotona, he says, for the attendant of
32730the chief magistrate to wear, on the 7th
32731of each month, a Persian garment —
32732the tradition being that this was done
32733to commemorate the rescue of Demo-
32734cedes, because the Crotoniats at that
32735time stripped his dress oft" the Persian
32736who laid hands upon their fellow-
32737citizens, and to mark their contempt,
32738put it on this officer. Mr. Blakesley
32739inaccurately assigns this story to
32740Tima^us (not. ad loc).
p. 520
32741522
32742PERSIANS RESCUED BY GILLUS,
32743Book III.
32744Persians gave up all hojDe of exploring the rest of
32745Greece, and set sail for Asia. As they were departing,
32746Democedes sent to them and begged they would inform
32747Darius that the daughter of Milo was affianced to him
32748as his bride. For the name of Milo the wrestler was in
32749high repute with the king/ My belief is, that Demo-
32750cedes hastened his marriage by the payment of a large
32751sum of money for the purpose of showing Darius that
32752he was a man of mark in his own country.
32753138. The Persians weighed anchor and left Crotona,
32754but being wrecked on the coast of lapygia,^ were
32755made slaves by the inhabitants. From this condition
32756they were rescued by Grillus,^ a banished Tarentine,
32757who ransomed them at his own cost, and took them
32758back to Darius. Darius offered to repay this service by
32759granting Gillus whatever boon he chose to ask ; where-
32760upon Gillus told the king of his misfortune, and begged
32761to be restored to his country. Fearing, however, that
32762he might bring trouble on Greece if a vast armament
32763were sent to Italy on his account, he added that it
32764would content him if the Cnidians undertook to obtain
32765his recall. Now the Cnidians were close friends of the
32766Tarentines,* which made him think there was no likelier
32767means of procuring his return. Darius promised, and
32768performed his part ; for he sent a messenger to Cnidus,
32769and commanded the Cnidians to restore Gillus. The
32770Cnidians did as he wished, but found themselves unable
32771to persuade the Tarentines, and were too weak to
32772attempt force. Such, then, was the course which this
32773' Milo is said to have carried oif
32774the prize for wrestling, six times at
32775the Olympic, and seven times at the
32776Pythian, games (Pans. vi. xiv. 2 ;
32777Aul. Gell. N. Att. sv. 16). On his
32778great strength, see Athenaius, x. j).
32779412, E ; and compare Schol. ad The-
32780ocrit. iv. 6. Mr. Grote remarks with
32781justice that "gigantic muscular force"
32782would be appreciated in Persia much
32783more than intellectual ability (iv. p.
32784327).
32785(See Plutarch, vit. Pyrrh.
32786^ The lapygian promontory (Capo
32787di Leuca) was always difScult to
32788double.
32789§15.)
32790^ Was this the Gillus, ruler of
32791Crotona, who ransomed Pythagoras
32792from Cambyses, according to Apu-
32793leius ? (Florid, ii. 15, p. 59). Wessel-
32794ing thinks so (note ad loc).
32795* Their common Dorian origin may
32796in some degree account for this.
p. 521
32797Chap. 138, 139. EXPEDITION AGAINST SAMOS.
32798523
32799matter took. These were tlie first Persians who ever
32800came from Asia to Greece ; ^ and they were sent to spy
32801out the hind for the reason which I have before men-
32802tioned.
32803139. After this, king Darius besieged and took
32804Samos, which was the first city^ Greek or Barbarian,
32805that he conquered. The cause of his making war upon
32806Samos was the following : — At the time when Cambyses,
32807son of Cyrus, marched against Egypt, vast numbers of
32808Greeks flocked thither, some, as might have been looked
32809for, to push their trade ; others, to serve in his army ;
32810others again, merely to see the land : among these last
32811was Syloson, son of ^aces, and brother of Polycrates,
32812at that time an exile from Samos.^ This Syloson,
32813during his stay in Egypt, met with a singular piece
32814of good fortune. He happened one day to put on a
32815scarlet cloak, and thus attired to go into the market-
32816place at Memphis, when Darius, who was one of Cam-
32817byses' body-guard, and not at that time a man of any
32818account,^ saw him, and taking a strong liking to the
32819* Compare the conclusion of ch. 56.
32820In the mind of Herodotus this voyage
32821is of the greatest importance. It is
32822the first step towards the invasion of
32823Greece, and so a chief link in the
32824chain of his history. Whether Darius
32825attached much importance to it is a
32826different matter. We must bear in
32827mind that the details have evidently
32828come from the descendants of Demo-
32829cedes, with whom Herodotus would
32830have been brought into contact in
32831Magna Gn-Ecia. The whole colouring
32832of the story, therefore, would be what
32833Democedes, plainly a vain- glorious
32834man (ch. 137), chose to make it. I
32835attach less credit to the details than
32836Mr. Grote, who accepts not only the
32837incidents, but much of the colour-
32838ing (vol. iv. pp. 347-351). Dahl-
32839mann's remarks appear to me very
32840sensible : " That after the conclusion
32841of the Babylonian rebellion," he says,
32842" Darius should have marched, not
32843against Greece, but against Scythia,
32844VOf;. II.
32845shows perliaps that we must not esti-
32846mate the influence of the physician
32847too highly. Everybody wishes to be
32848thought to have had a share in the
32849political events of his day" (Life of
32850Herod, vii. § 4, end).
32851* Vide supra, ch. 39.
32852' This could not be true, yet it is a
32853necessary feature in the story, which
32854supposes Syloson to have had no in-
32855terested motive in making Darius the
32856present. Darius, the Achamienian,
32857of the blood royal, failing the issue of
32858Cyrus the Great, heir-presumptive
32859(as is likely) to the throne, could not
32860be a mere guardsman in the service
32861of Cambyses, or a personage of small
32862account. The whole story of the cloak
32863is suspicious : it seems to be one of
32864those amusing pieces of provincial
32865gossip which were current among the
32866lively Greeks (compare the dramatic
32867stories of Phanes, Democedes, &c.),
32868and which exactly pleased the fancy of
32869the Halicarnassian. Both from the
328702 N
p. 522
32871524 SYLOSOX AND HIS CLOAK. Book 111.
32872dress, went up and offered to purchase it. Syloson
32873perceived how anxious he was, and by a lucky inspi-
32874ration answered : " There is no price at which I would
32875sell my cloak, but I will give it thee for nothing, if it
32876must needs be thine."' Darius thanked him, and ac-
32877cepted the garment.
32878140. Poor Syloson felt at the time that he had fooled
32879away his cloak in a very simple manner ; but after-
32880wards, when in the course of years Cambyses died, and
32881the seven Persians rose in revolt ao:ainst the Ma^us,
32882and Darius was the man chosen out of the seven to
32883have the kingdom, Syloson learnt that the person to
32884whom the crown had come was the very man who had
32885coveted his cloak in Egypt, and to whom he had freely
32886given it. So he made his way to Susa, and seating
32887himself at the portal of the royal palace, gave out that
32888he was a benefactor of the king.® Then the doorkeeper
32889went and told Darius. Amazed at what he heard, the
32890king said thus within himself: — " What Greek can
32891have been my benefactor, or to which of them do I
32892owe am^thing, so lately as I have got the kingdom ?
32893Scarcely a man of them all has been here, not more
32894than one or two certainly, since I came to the throne.
32895Nor do I remember that I am in the debt of any
32896Greek. However, bring him in, and let me hear what
32897he means by his boast." So the doorkeeper ushered
32898Syloson into the presence, and the interpreters asked
32899him who he was, and what he had done that he should
32900call himself a benefactor of the king. Then Syloson
32901told the whole story of the cloak, and said that it was
32902he who had made Darius the present. Hereupon
32903Behistun Inscription and from tlie pre- ; of so good an opportixnity of destroy-
32904vious narrative of Herodotus (supra, ' ing the quasi-independence of Samos,
32905cb. 70), it may be gathered that
32906Darius was never in Egypt at all, but
32907remained at home when Cambyses
32908made bis expedition. Syloson was a
32909refugee at his court, as Demaratus
32910which bad long been galling to the
32911Persians (v. s. nb. 120).
32912® The king's benefactors (Oj-osan^cp)
32913were a body of persons whose names
32914were formally enregistered in the royal
32915was afterwards (vii. 3) ; and obtained 1 archives (vide infra, viii. 85). Syloson
32916his request, becaiise Darius was glad makes a claim to be put on this list.
p. 523
32917Chap. 14i)-142. PROCEEDINGS OF M.EAXDR1US. 525
32918Darius exclaimed, " Oh ! thou most generous of men,
32919art tliou indeed he who, when I had no power at all,
32920gavest me something, albeit little ? Truly the favour
32921is as great as a very grand present would be nowadays.
32922I will therefore give thee in return gold and silver
32923Avithout stint, that thou mayst never repent of having
32924rendered a service to Darius, son of Hystaspes." " Give
32925me not, 0 king," replied Syloson, " either silver or
32926gold, but recover me Samos, my native land, and let
32927that be thy gift to me. It belongs now to a slave of
32928ours, who, when Orcetes put my brother Polycrates to
32929death, became its master. Give me Samos, I beg ; but
32930give it unharmed, with no bloodshed — no leading into
32931captivity."
32932141. When he heard this, Darius sent off an army,
32933under Otanes, one of the seven, with orders to accom-
32934plish all that Syloson had desired. And Otanes Avent
32935down to the coast and made ready to cross over.
32936142. The government of Samos was held at this time
32937by Ma^andrius, son of Maeandrius,^ whom Polycrates
32938had appointed as his deputy. This person conceived
32939the wish to act like the justest of men, but it was not
32940allowed him to do so. On receiving tidings of the
32941death of Polycrates, he forthwith raised an altar to
32942Jove the Protector of Freedom, and assigned it the
32943piece of ground which may still be seen in the suburb.
32944This done, he assembled all the citizens, and spoke to
32945thera as follows : —
32946" Ye know, friends, that the sceptre of Polycrates,
32947and all his power, has passed into my hands, and if I
32948choose I may rule over you. But what I condemn in
32949another I will, if I may, avoid myself. I never ap-
32950proved the ambition of Polycrates to lord it over men
32951as good as himself, nor looked with favour on any of
32952those who have done the like. Now therefore, since
32953he has fulfilled his destiny, I lay down my office, and
32954Vide supra, ch. 123.
329552 N- 2
p. 524
32956526 HE SUBMITS TO THE PERSIANS. Book III.
32957proclaim equal rights. All that I claim in return is
32958six talents from the treasures of Polycrates, and the
32959priesthood of Jove the Protector of Freedom, for myself
32960and mv descendants for ever. Allow me this, as the
32961man by whom his temple has been built, and by
32962whom ye yourselves are now restored to liberty." As
32963soon as Mteandrius had ended, one of the Samians
32964rose up and said, " As if thou wert fit to rule us,
32965base-born " and rascal as thou art ! Think rather of
32966accounting for the monies which thou hast fingered."
32967143. The man who thus spoke was a certain Telesar-
32968chus, one of the leading citizens. Mseandrius, therefore,
32969feeling sure that if he laid down the sovereign j^ower
32970some one else would become tyrant in his room, gave
32971up the thought of relinquishing it. Withdrawing to
32972the citadel, he sent for the chief men one by one,
32973under pretence of showing them his accounts, and as
32974fast as they came arrested them and put them in irons.
32975So these men were bound ; and Masandrius within a
32976short time fell sick : whereupon Lycaretus," one of his
32977brothers, thinking that he was going to die, and wish-
32978ing to make his own accession to the throne the easier,
32979slew all the prisoners. It seemed that the Samians did
32980not choose to be a free people.
32981144. When the Persians whose business it was to
32982restore Svloson reached Samos, not a man was found
32983to lift up his hand against them. Mgeandrius and his
32984partisans expressed themselves willing to quit the island
32985upon certain terms, and these terms were agreed to by
32986Otanes. After the treaty was made, the most distin-
32987guished of the Persians had their thrones^ brought, and
32988seated themselves over against the citadel.
32989'" jSfeandrius had been the secre-
32990tary (ypaiJ.fiaTL(TTi)s) of Polycrates (v. s
32991ch. 123), which would indicate a j
32992humble origin.
32993" For the ultimate fate of Lyca-
32994retus, see below, Book v. ch. 27.
32995' For a representation of the Persian
32996throne, see note on Book vii. ch, 15.
32997Darius is mentioned as sitting upon a
32998throne at the siege of Babylon (infra,
32999ch. 155), and Xerxes at Therraopylfe
33000(vii. 211, ad fin.) and Salaniis (viii.
3300190). So Sennacherib is represented ^
33002in the Assyrian sculptures. (Layard's I
33003Nin. and Babylon, p. 150.)
p. 525
33004Chap. 143-146. THE MAD CHARILAUS. ; 527
33005145. Now the king Mseandrius had a Hghtheaded
33006brother — Charilaiis by name — whom for some offence
33007or other he had shut up in prison : this man heard
33008what was going on, and peering through his bars, saAV
33009the Persians sitting peacefully upon their seats, where-
33010upon he exclaimed aloud, and said he must speak with
33011Mseandrius. When this was reported to him, Maean-
33012drius gave orders that Charilaiis should be released
33013from prison and brought into his presence. No sooner
33014did he arrive than he began reviling and abusing his
33015brother, and strove to persuade him to attack the Per-
33016sians. " Thou meanest-spirited of men," he said, " thou
33017canst keep me, thy brother, chained in a dungeon,
33018notwithstanding that I have done nothing worthy of
33019bonds ; but when the Persians come and drive thee
33020forth a houseless wanderer from thy native land, thou
33021lookest on, and hast not the heart to ' seek revenge,
33022though they might so easily be subdued. If thou, how-
33023ever, art afraid, lend me thy soldiers, and I will make
33024them pay dearly for their coming here. I engage too
33025to send thee first safe out of the island."
33026146. So spake Charilaiis, and Mgeandrius gave con-
33027sent ; not (I believe) that he was so void of sense as to
33028imagine that his own forces could overcome those of
33029the king, but because he was jealous of Syloson, and
33030did not wish him to get so quietly an unharmed city.
33031He desired therefore to rouse the anger of the Persians
33032against Samos, that so he might deliver it up to Syloson
33033with its power at the lowest possible ebb ; for he knew
33034well that if the Persians met with a disaster they would
33035be furious against the Samians, while he himself felt
33036secure of a retreat at any time that he liked, since he
33037had a secret passage underground^ leading from the
33038citadel to the sea. Maeandrius accordingly took ship
33039and sailed away from Samos ; and Charilaiis, having
33040* That the art of tunnelling Avas j remains which have been found in tlie
33041known at Sanios is evident from what | island. (See note ^ on ch. 60.)
33042is said above (ch. 60), and from the i
p. 526
33043528 FLIGHT OF M.EANDRIUS TO SPARTA. Book III.
33044armed all the mercenaries, threw open the gates, and
33045fell upon the Persians, who looked for nothing less,
33046since they supposed that the whole matter had heen
33047arranged by treaty. At the first onslaught therefore
33048all the Persians of most note, men who were in the
33049habit of using litters,^ were slain by the mercenaries ;
33050the rest of the army, however, came to the rescue,
33051defeated the mercenaries, and drove them back into
33052the citadel.
33053147. Then Otanes, the general, when he saw the
33054great calamity which had befallen the Persians, made
33055up his mind to forget the orders which Darius had given
33056him, " not to kill or enslave a single Samian, but to
33057deliver up the island unharmed to Syloson," and gave
33058the word to his army that they should slay the Samians,
33059both men and boys, wherever they could find them.
33060Upon this some of his troops laid siege to the citadel,
33061while others began the massacre, killing all they met,
33062some outside, some inside the temples.
33063148. Mfeandrius fled from Samos to Lacedcemon,* and
33064conveyed thither all the riches which he had brought
33065away from the island, after which he acted as follows.
33066Having placed upon his board all the gold and silver
33067vessels that he had, and bade his servants employ
33068themselves in cleaning them, he himself went and
33069entered into conversation with Cleomenes, son of
33070Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, and as they talked
33071brought him along to his house. There Cleomenes, see-
33072ing the plate, was filled with wonder and astonishment ;
33073^ This seems to me the best ex- (f)6poi — comp. Athen. Deipn. xii. p.
33074jilanation of the expression rovs 8l- 514, A.), but this appears to be a
33075(jypocpopevfievovs. The reference is later sense.
33076not to the seats on which they were ^ As the Samian exiles a little
33077sitting (which are called Opovoi, not earlier (ch. 45), so MiTandrius now
330788i(f)po(.), but to the jMlanquins in seeks aid from Sparta, the onhj Greek
33079which they were ordinarily carried, state that was thought likely to imder-
33080(See the Etymolog. Magn. and com- take such an expedition. Croesus
33081pare Hesychius and Suidas ad too.) before (i. (31)), and Aristagoras after-
33082^Ir. P>lakesley regards the 8i<f)pos as a ! wards (v. 38), followed the same
33083footstool, and understands rovs 8i- . course. It was not until refused by
33084(ppo<pop(vpevovs as those who were 1 Sparta that even the latter applied to
33085attended bj' footstool-bearers' (8i(f)po- ' Athens.
p. 527
33086Chai'. 147-150.
33087SAMOS NETTED.
33088529
33089whereon the other begged that he would carry home
33090Avith him any of the vessels that he liked. Mseandrius
33091said this two or three times ; but Cleomenes here dis-
33092played surpassing honesty.^ He refused the gift, and
33093thinking that if Ma^andrius made the same offers to
33094others he would get the aid he sought, the Spartan
33095king went straight to the ephors and told them " it
33096would be best for Sparta that the Samian stranger
33097should be sent away from the Peloponnese ; for other-
33098wise he might perchance persuade himself or some
33099other Spartan to be base." The ephors took his advice,
33100and let Mseandrius know by a herald that he must
33101leave the city.
33102149. Meanwhile the Persians netted^ Samos, and
33103delivered it up to Syloson, strij^ped of all its men.
33104After some time, however, this same general Otanes
33105was induced to repeople it by a dream which he had,
33106and a loathsome disease that seized on him.
33107150. After the armament of Otanes had set sail for
33108Samos, the Babylonians revolted,^ having made every
33109* It was rarely that the Spartan
33110kings, or indeed their other leaders,
33111could resist a bribe. Cleomenes him-
33112self almost yielded (infra, v. 51).
33113Leotychides was bribed (vi. 72).
33114Pausanias was corrupted by offers
33115from the Persians (Thucyd. i. 129).
33116Eurybiades was bribed by Themis-
33117tocles (infra, viii. 5) ; Plistoanax and
33118Cleandrides by Pericles (Thucyd. ii.
3311921, Plut. Pericl. c. 22) ; Astyochus
33120by Tissaphernes (Thucyd. viii. 50).
33121Pausanias returned home readily w-hen
33122summoned, because he expected to
33123secure his acquittal by bribery (ib. i.
33124131). (jylippus was accused of em-
33125bezzlement (Plut. Lysandr. c. 16).
33126The difficulties which the Lycurgean
33127regulations threw in the way of amass-
33128ing treasure seem to have whetted the
33129appetite for gain, and to have made
33130the Spartans more venal than the other
33131Greeks. (Cf. Arist. Pol. ii. 6, pp.
3313257-8, ed. Tauch.)
33133* For the description of this process
33134see below, Book vi. cli. 31. Strabo
33135(xiv. p. 915) ascribes the depopula-
33136tion of Samos to the harshness of
33137Syloson's government ; and quotes in
33138illustration the proverb, cktjti 2vXo-
33139(TotvTos €vpv)(a)piri. But this ])ioverb
33140is quite compatible with the account
33141of Herodotus,
33142Samos does not appear to have suf-
33143fered very greatly by these transac-
33144tions, since in the Ionian revolt, not
33145twenty years afterwards, she was able
33146to furnish sixty ships (vi. 8). The
33147severities exercised by the Persians
33148are probably exaggerated.
33149' It has been already mentioned
33150that Babylon revolted twice from
33151Darius, once in the first, and a second
33152time in the fourth year of his reign.
33153It cannot be determined which of these
33154two revolts Herodotus intended to
33155describe. Of the former, which was
33156quelled by Darius in person, the de-
33157tails are given in the Behistun In-
33158scription (Col. i. par. 16-19, Col. ii.
33159par. 1). The latter is briefly described
33160in Col. iii. par. 13, 14. Neither of
33161these two accounts agrees in any point
33162with the narrative of Herodotus.
p. 528
33163530 BABYLON BESIEGED BY DARIUS. Book III.
33164preparation for defence. During all tlie time that the
33165Magus was king, and while the seven were conspiring,
33166they had profited by the troubles, and had made them-
33167selves ready against a siege. And it happened some-
33168how or other that no one perceived what they were
33169doing. At last when the time came for rebelling
33170openly, they did as follows : — having first set apart
33171their mothers, each man chose besides out of his whole
33172household one woman, whomsoever he pleased ; these
33173alone were allowed to live, while all the rest were
33174brought to one place and strangled. The women
33175chosen were kept to make bread for the men f the
33176others were strangled that they might not consume
33177the stores.
33178151. When tidings reached Darius of what had hap-
33179pened, he drew together all his power, and began the
33180Avar by marching straight upon Babylon, and laying
33181siege to the place. The Babylonians, however, cared
33182not a whit for his siege. ^ Mounting upon the battle-
33183ments that crowned their walls, they insulted and jeered
33184at Darius and his mighty host. One even shouted to
33185them and said, " Why sit ye there, Persians ? why do
33186ye not go back to your homes ? Till mules foal ye will
33187not take our city." This was said by a Babylonian
33188who thought that a mule would never foal.
33189152. Now when a year and seven months had passed,
33190Darius and his army were quite wearied out, finding
33191that they could not anyhow take the city. All strata-
33192gems and all arts had been used, and yet the king
33193Ctesias (Exc. Pers. § 22) asserted | (Exp. Alex. vii. 17), and Plutarch
33194that the details given by Herodotus
33195belonged, not to any siege under
33196Darius, but to one which took place
33197in the reign of Xerxes. Zopyrus,
33198according to him, was governor of
33199Babylon at the time, and was killed
33200by the rebels. It was MegabyzAis,
33201his son, who, to avenge his father,
33202mutilated himself. Traces of this
33203siege of Babylon by Xerxes, and the
33204severities consequent upon it, appear
33205in Herodotus (i. 183, end), Arrian
33206(Apophthegm, p. 173, C).
33207^ Compare Thucyd. ii. 78. Mr.
33208Blakesley well remarks on the large
33209place which bread-making would oc-
33210cupy in the duties of the ancient
33211domestic. The "bread-maker" had
33212not merely to mix and bake the bread,
33213but to grind the flour. (Cf. Exodus
33214xi. 5 ; Matt. xxiv. 41 ; Horn. Od. xx.
33215105-111, &c.)
33216^ Compare their confidence when
33217besieged bj- Cyrus (supra, i. 190).
p. 529
33218Chap. 151-154. ZOPYRUS' PROJECT. ' 531
33219could not prevail — not even when he tried the means
33220by which Cyrus uiade himself master of the place.
33221The Babylonians were ever upon the watch, and he
33222found no way of conquering them.
33223] 53. At last, in the twentieth month, a marvellous
33224thing happened to Zopyrus, son of the Megabyzus who
33225was among the seven men that overthrew the Magus.
33226One of his sumpter-mules gave birth to a foal.^" Zopy-
33227rus, when they told him, not thinking that it could be
33228true, went and saw the colt with his own eyes ; after
33229which he commanded his servants to tell no one what
33230had come to pass, while he himself pondered the matter.
33231Callina: to mind then the words of the Babylonian at
33232the beginning of the siege, " Till mules foal ye shall
33233not take our city " — he thought, as he reflected on this
33234speech, that Babylon might now be taken. For it
33235seemed to him that there was a divine providence in
33236the man having used the phrase, and then his mule
33237having foaled.
33238154. As soon therefore as he felt within himself that
33239Babylon was fated to be taken, he went to Darius and
33240asked him if he set a very high value on its conquest.
33241"When he found that Darius did indeed value it highly,
33242he considered further with himself how he might make
33243the deed his own, and be the man to take Babylon.
33244Noble exploits in Persia are ever highly honoured and
33245bring their authors to greatness. He therefore reviewed
33246all ways of bringing the city under, but found none hy
33247which he could hope to prevail, unless he maimed him-
33248self and then went over to the enemy. To do this
33249seeming to him a light matter, he mutilated himself in
33250a way that was utterly without remedy. For he cut off
33251his own nose and ears, and then, clipping his hair close
33252and flogging himself with a scourge, he came in this
33253plight before Darius.
33254'•* Ctesias appears to bare denied
33255this part of the story altogether (Exc.
33256Pers. 1. s. c). On the possibility of
33257the occiirrence, see Arist. Hist. An. vi.
3325824 ; Plin. H. N. viii. 44 ; and compare
33259Beckmann ad Arist. Ausc.Mirab. c. 70.
p. 530
33260532 HIS SELF-MUTILATION. * Book IIL
33261155. Wrath stirred within the king at the sight of a
33262man of his lofty rank in such a condition ; leaping
33263down from his throne, he exclaimed aloud, and asked
33264Zopyrus who it was that had disfigured him, and what
33265he had done to be so treated. Zopyrus answered,
33266" There is not a man in the world, but thou, oh ! king,
33267that could reduce me to such a plight — no stranger's
33268hands have wrought this work on me but my own
33269only. I maimed myself because I could not endure
33270that the Assyrians should laugh at the Persians."
33271" Wretched man," said Darius, " thou coverest the
33272foulest deed with the fairest possible name, when thou
33273sayest thy maiming is to help our siege forward.
33274How will thy disfigurement, thou simpleton, induce the
33275enemy to yield one day the sooner ? Surely thou hadst
33276gone out of thy mind when thou didst so misuse thy-
33277self." " Had I told thee," rejoined the other, " what
33278I was bent on doing, thou wouldest not have suffered
33279it ; as it is, I kept my own counsel, and so accom-
33280plished my plans. Xow, therefore, if there be no failure
33281on thy part, w^e shall take Babylon. I will desert to the
33282enemy as I am, and when I get into their city I will
33283tell them that it is by thee I have been thus treated.
33284I think they will believe my words, and entrust me
33285with a command of troops. Thou, on thy part, must
33286wait till the tenth day after I am entered within the
33287town, and then place near to the gates of Semiramis
33288a detachment of thy army, troops for whose loss thou
33289wilt care little, a thousand men. Wait, after that, seven
33290days, and 230st me another detachment, two thousand
33291strong, at the Nineveh gates ; then let twenty days
33292pass, and at the end of that time station near the
33293Chaldaean gates a body of four thousand. Let neither
33294these nor the former troops be armed with any weapons
33295but their swords — those thou mayest leave them. After
33296the twenty dajs are over, bid thy whole army attack
33297the city on every side, and put me two bodies of Per-
33298sians, one at the Belian, the other at the Cissian gates ;
p. 531
33299Chai'. J 55, 156. DESERTS TO THE BABYLONIANS. 533
33300for I expect, that, on accouut of my successes, the
33301Babylonians will entrust everything, even the keys of
33302their gates,^^ to me. Then it will be for me and my
33303Persians to do the rest."^
33304156. Having left these instructions, Zopyrus fled
33305towards the gates of the town, often looking back, to
33306give himself the air of a deserter. The men upon the
33307towers, whose business it was to keep a look-out, observ-
33308ing him, hastened down, and setting one of the gates
33309slightly ajar, questioned him who he was, and on what
33310errand he had come. He replied that he was Zopyrus,
33311and had deserted to them from the Persians. Then
33312the doorkeepers, when they heard this, carried him
33313at once before the Magistrates. Introduced into the
33314assembly, he began to bewail his misfortunes, telling
33315them that Darius had maltreated him in the way they
33316could see, only because he had given advice that the
33317siege should be raised, since there seemed no hope
33318of taking the city. " And now," he went on to say,
33319" my coming to you, Babylonians, will prove the
33320greatest gain that you could possibly receive, while to
33321Darius and the Persians it will be the severest loss.
33322" Properly " bolt-drawers," which (vide supra, oh. 73, dpx6fj.e6a virb
33323were very like those now used in the ! MijSov av^pbs Mciyov, Ka\ tovtov
33324East — a straight piece of wood, with ! ara ovk exovros). And the state-
33325upright pins, corresponding with those
33326that fall dowii into the holt, and
33327which are pushed up by this key so
33328ment of Polysuus (vii. 11, § 8). that
33329the stratagem was copied from an at-
33330tempt made by a certain Sacan be-
33331as to enable the bolt to be drawn yond the Oxus to destroy the army
33332back. Iron keys were also used at an of Darius, seems to throw the whole
33333earlv period for smaller fastenings. — narrative into the region of romance.
33334[G. W.] I For "the story told by Folytenus
33335' The stratagem of ZoyjTTis has ! is, in its minutest features, identical
33336small claims to be considered a his- with a certain standard Oriental tale,
33337toric fact. It seems impossible that applied in different ages, by the Per-
33338either Zopyrus, who (according to both siau bards and traditionists to Firuz
33339Herodotus and Ctesias) was for many I and the Hiyathelah, by Abu Pdhan
33340years satrap of Babylonia, or Mega- to Kanishka and the Indians, and by
33341byzus his son, who was one of the six j
33342the historians of Cashmeer to their
33343great generals of Xerxes' army (infra, famous king, Lalitaditya" (Col. Eaw-
33344vii. 82), aad afterwards commanded linson. Note to Behist. Inscr. p. xvi.).
33345the Persians in Egypt (infra, ch. 160), It is curious to find the Latin
33346could have been the sufferer of such a writers stealing the same tale to
33347terrible mutilation. For the Orientals ! adorn their own history (Livy, i. 54 ;
33348will not serve under a mutilated man | Ovid, Fast. ii. 691, &c.}.
p. 532
33349534
33350STRATAGEM PLAYED OUT BY ZOPYRUS. Book III.
33351Yerily he by wliom I have been so mutilated, shall not
33352escape unpunished. And truly all the paths of his
33353counsels are known to me." Thus did Zopyrus speak.
33354157. The Babylonians, seeing a Persian of such
33355exalted rank in so grievous a plight, his nose and ears
33356cut off, his body red with marks of scourging and with
33357blood, had no suspicion but that he spoke the truth,
33358and was really come to be their friend and helper.
33359They were ready, therefore, to grant him anything
33360that he asked ; and on his suing for a command, they
33361entrusted to him a body of troops, with the help of
33362which he proceeded to do as he had arranged with
33363Darius. On the tenth day after his flight he led out
33364his detachment, and surrounding the thousand men,
33365whom Darius according to agreement had sent first, he
33366fell upon them and slew them all. Then the Baby-
33367lonians, seeing that his deeds were as brave as his
33368words, were beyond measure pleased, and set no
33369bounds to their trust. He waited, however, and when
33370the next period agreed on had elapsed, again with a
33371band of j^icked men he sallied forth, and slaughtered
33372the two thousand. After this second exploit, his praise
33373was in all mouths. Once more, how^ever, he waited
33374till the interval appointed had gone by, and then
33375leading the troops to the place where the four thousand
33376were, he put them also to the sword. This last victory
33377gave the finishing stroke to his power, and made him
33378all in all with the Babylonians : accordingly they com-
33379mitted to him the command of their whole armv, and
33380put the kevs of their citv into his hands.
33381158. Darius now, still keeping to the plan agreed
33382upon, attacked the walls on every side, whereupon
33383Zopyrus played out the remainder of his stratagem.
33384While the Babylonians, crowding to the walls, did
33385their best to resist the Persian assault, he threw open
33386the Cissian and the Belian gates,^ and admitted the
33387* The situation of the gates which
33388are mentioned in this and a previous
33389chapter (ch. 155) cannot he exactly
33390determined, owing to the complete
p. 533
33391CiiAP. 157-159. SECOND CAPTURE OF BABYLON.
33392r.Qp;
33393enemy. Such of the Babylonians as witnessed the
33394treachery, took refuge in the temple of Jupiter Belus ;
33395the rest, who did not see it, kept at their posts, till at
33396last they too learnt that they were betrayed.
33397159. Thus was Babylon taken for the second time.
33398Darius, having become master of the place, destroyed
33399the wall,^ and tore down all the gates ; for Cyrus had
33400done neither the one nor the other when he took
33401Babylon.* He then chose out near three thousand ^ of
33402the leading citizens, and caused them to be crucified,
33403while he allowed the remainder still to inhabit the city.
33404Further, wishing to prevent the race of the Babylonians
33405from becoming extinct, he provided wives for them in
33406the room of those whom (as I explained before) they
33407strangled, to save their stores. These he levied from
33408disappearance" of the ancient wall of
33409Babylon. (See Essay iv. at the end
33410of the volume.) No doubt, however,
33411the Belian and the Cissian gates were
33412to the S.E., the former probably de-
33413riving its name from the fact that it
33414led to Niffer, the city of Jkl-Nimrod.
33415(See vol. i. Essay x. p. 597.) The
33416" Ninevite gate " would lie to the
33417north. That of Semiramis is alto-
33418gether uncertain.
33419* It is probable that Darius con-
33420tented himself with breaking breaches
33421in the great wall, instead of under-
33422taking the enormous and useless la-
33423bour of levelling the immense mounds
33424which begirt Babylon. The walls
33425must have been tolerably complete
33426when Babylon stood a siege against
33427the forces of Xerxes. Even in the
33428time of Herodotus, so much was left
33429that he could speak of the wall as still
33430encircling the city (Trepidifi, i. 178).
33431Ctesias saw portions of it. (Diod. Sic.
33432ii. 7.) See the Essays appended to
33433Book i. Essay viii. § ^6, note*.
33434■• Berosus, on the contrary, declared
33435that the outer walls were entirely de-
33436stroyed by the orders of Cyrus (aji.
33437Joseph, c. Apiou. i. 20). Here again we
33438may understand that breaches were
33439made, which the inhabitants repaired
33440when they determined upon revolt.
33441* Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol.
33442iv. p. 311) compares with this the
33443wholesale executions of revolted Stre-
33444litzes sanctioned by Peter the Great,
33445which took place at Moscow in tlie
33446year 1G98. Two thousand are said to
33447have been hung round the walls of
33448the town, and o+herwise killed, on
33449that occiision. The Inscriptions of
33450Darius give no indication of his having
33451ever countenanced a massacre of the
33452extent here mentioned. Such bloody
33453measures accord rather with the tem-
33454per of Xerxes, who, it is evident,
33455treated the Babylonians with far
33456greater severity than Darius (supra,
33457i. 183, and Arrian, Exp. Alex. vii. 17).
33458That monarch, to judge by the Be-
33459histun Inscription, contented himself,
33460on the first occasion of the revolt of
33461Babylon, with putting to death the
33462pretender who headed the rebellion
33463(Beh. Inscr. Col. ii. par. 1, § 5), while
33464on the second occasion he pimished
33465with death both the rebel chief and a
33466certain number, which could not have
33467been very large, of his principal fol-
33468lowers (Beh. Inscr. Col. iii. par. 13,
33469Bahyl. Tr.). The impaling of captives
33470had been practised at an earlier date
33471by the Assyrians (Layard's Nineveh
33472and Babylon, p. 355).
33473I
p. 534
33474536
33475HONOUES GIVEN TO ZOrYRUS.
33476Book III.
33477the nations bordering on Babylonia, who were each
33478required to send so large a number to Babylon, that in
33479all there were collected no few^er than fifty thousand.
33480It is from these women that the Babylonians of our
33481times are sprung.
33482160. As for Zopyrus, he was considered by Darius
33483to have surpassed, in the greatness of his achievements,
33484all other Persians, whether of former or of later times,
33485except only Cyrus — with whom no Persian ever yet
33486thought himself worthy to compare. Darius, as the
33487story goes, would often say " that he had rather
33488Zopyrus were unmaimed, than be master of twenty
33489more Baby Ions. "^ And he honoured Zopyrus greatly ;
33490year by year he presented him with all the gifts which
33491are held in most esteem among the Persians ; ^ he gave
33492him likewise the government of Babylon for his life,
33493free from tribute ; and he also granted him many other
33494favours. Megabyzus, who held the command in Egypt
33495against the Athenians and their allies,* was a son of
33496this Zopyrus. And Zo^Dyrus, who fled from Persia to
33497Athens,^ w^as a son of this Megabyzus.
33498* Plutarch tells of this Zopyrus the
33499story -which Herodotus relates (iv.
33500143) of Megabazus, the conqueror of
33501Thrace : that Darius heing asked of
33502what he would like to have as many
33503as there were grains in the pome-
33504granate which he was eating, replied,
33505"Zopyruses" (Apophthegm, p. 173,
33506A.).
33507' Ctesias mentioned as the chief
33508of these presents a golden hand-mill
33509(fjLvXrjv xpva-Tjv^, weighing six talents,
33510and worth somewhat more than 3000/.
33511This, according to him, was the most
33512honourable gift that a Persian subject
33513could receive (Exc. Pers. § 22).
33514« Cf. Thucyd. i. 109. And Ctesias,
33515Exc. Pers. 32-3. Megabyzus married
33516Amytis, daughter of Xerxes, was one
33517of the six superior generals of the
33518Persian army in the Greek campaign,
33519drove the Athenians out of Egypt,
33520and put down the Egyptian revolt ;
33521revolted himself against Artaxerxes
33522for not observing the tei'ms gi-anted
33523to luarus, was reconciled with him,
33524and died in Persia at an advanced
33525age.
33526^ This is probably the latest event
33527recorded by Herodotus. It is men-
33528tioned by Ctesias almost immediately
33529before the death of Artaxerxes, and
33530so belongs most likely to the year
33531B.C. 426 or 425. There are, however,
33532no means of exactly fixing its date.
33533Zopyrus led the Athenians against
33534Caunus, which he hoped to be able to
33535bring over; but tbe Caunians resisted,
33536and Zopyrus lost his life in the attempt
33537(Ctesias, Exc. Pers. § 43).
p. 535
33538APPENDIX TO BOOK III.
33539ESSAY I,
33540ON THE WORSHIP OF VENUS URANIA THROUGHOUT THE EAST.— [G. W.]
335411. Alilat. — Mylitta or Alitta, from K-efec?," to bear children." 2. Had different names
33542in different countries. 3. A Nature-Goddess. 4. The Syrian Goddess. 5. The
33543Paphian Venus, or Urania, identified with Aatarte and Anaitis. 6. Tanat,
33544or Anata. 7. Diana of Ephesus. 8. The mother and child. 9, Alitta and
33545Elissa. 10. Gods of the Khonds. 11. Maut the mother. 12, Juno-Lucina,
33546Diana, and Astarte. 13. Europa and Cadmus. 14. Semiramis the dove.
3354715. Derceto or Atargatis. 16. Athara and Athor. 17. Inscription at Caer-
33548vorran, and names of the Syrian Goddess. 18. Figure of Astarte. 19. Baal,
33549Moloch, and other deities of Syria. 20. Arcles, Melicertes, or Hercules.
3355021. Eimmon, and other Syrian deities — Some introduced into Egypt.
33551Some suppose Alilat to mean simply the " Goddesses ;" but she
33552is generally thought to be Venus Urania, and the same whose
33553worship Herodotus tells us (i. 131) was borrowed by the Persians
33554from the Assyrians and Arabians. In ch. 181, Book i. Herodotus
33555says, " the Arabians call Venus Alitta, and the Assyrians call
33556Venus Mylitta ;" and this he confirms in ch. 199. Like tlie
33557Alitta of the Arabs, Mylitta corresponded to Lucina, who pre-
33558sided over child-birth. Both these names are Semitic, and are
33559derived from iveled, tvalada, " to bear children." (Mulatto is from
33560the past participle of the same verb.) Indeed, Sargon (accord-
33561ing to M. Oppert, on the Khorsabad bulls) says " Nisroch directs
33562the marriages of men, and the Queen of the Gods (Mylitta) pre-
33563sides at their birth : I have inscribed on the great northern gates
33564the names of Nisroch and Mylitta." She was the same Deity
33565worshipped in many countries under various denominations; and
33566nowhere perhaps do we see more clearly how the same one from
33567some slight variation of attribute or office was made into several
33568different Deities, and how many may be brought back to the
33569original one. In reality she represented the Productive Principle,
33570Nature, or the Earth, as the generative or vivifying principle was
33571typified by the Sun, She was Astarte in Phoenicia and in other
33572countries (Cic, Nat. Deor. 3) ; who is even said by Sanconiatho
33573to have had a cow's head (like Athor, the Venus of Egypt),
33574whence called Ashteroth-Karnaim or Astaroth-Kornim, i. e. "of
33575the horns " (Gen. xiv, 5). She was the Venus Urania, said b}-
33576Pausanias (i, 14) to have been chiefly honoured by the Assyrians.
p. 536
33577538 IDENTIFICATIONS OF VENUS. Arp. Book ITT.
33578She was Anaitis in Persia and Armenia, and even in Assyria,
33579who also answered to Venus; and the Venus of Assyria held' a
33580child in her arms (see Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, p. 477),
33581like Athor and Isis in Egypt. She was Ceres, Irnxri-^rto or
335823. yrjfx-hTriq, as the Mother Earth, or prolific Nature (see Macrob.
33583Saturn, i. 26, and note on B. ii. ch. 9). She was the " Queen
33584of Heaven," the Moon (who in India is also a form of the God
33585of Nature) ; she was Bhea or Cybele, the Angidistis or Cj'bele
33586of Phrygia (Strabo, xii. p. 390) ; she answered to the Greek
33587EileithyiaB, who at first were several Goddesses, as well as to
33588Juno, Diana, and Lucina, which three had at different times the
33589same office ; she corresponded to Minerva ; and in Greece to the
33590original Aphrodite, who became at last the mere personation of
33591beauty and voluptuousness. In Egypt Isis and Athor and also
33592Seben (or Seneb) the Goddess of Eileithyia, answer to her in
33593different capacities ; and a Goddess is found there standing on a
33594lion, like "Mother Earth," mentioned by Macrobius (Saturn, i.
3359526 ; see At. Eg. pi. Ixix.), and again on Assyrian monuments ;
33596both which are probably of similar origin.
335974. From the necessity of making a distinction between her cha-
33598racters in the same country, she was called Venus-Urania, who
33599was the great Syrian Goddess. Berosus says Anaitis was first
33600introduced into Persia, into Babylon, Susa, Ecbatana, and Da-
33601mascus about the time of Artaxerxes II,, the son of Darius ; but
33602she was doubtless known long before in the latter city. (See notes
336035. on B. iii. chs. 131 and 70.) The temple of the Paphian Venus
33604or Venus-Urania is represented on the coins of Sardis, identi-
33605fying Astarte and Anaitis. Strabo mentions Anaitis (xi. p. 352 ;
33606XV. p. 594) with Omanus, as Persian Deities, as Herodotus does
33607Venus-Urania. In Egypt even Anaitis was worshipped at an
33608early time as Anat or Anta, the Goddess of War, armed with a
33609spear and shield, and raising a pole-axe in the act of striking.
33610(See At. Eg. pi. Ixx. pt. i.) She appears to have been a foreign
33611Goddess adopted by the Egyptians. Neith, the Minerva of
33612Egypt, who often carries a bow and arrows, may have been
33613G. related to Anata. The Phoenician Tanith or Tanat, who an-
33614swered to Artemis (Diana), as shown by an inscription at Athens,
33615where Abd-Tanat is translated " Artemidorus " in lieu of " slave,"
33616or "votary, of Tanat," was the same Goddess ; and Plutarch
33617(ViL Artaxerx.) says " Diana of Ecbatana is there called Anitis."
33618She was called Tanata by Plutarch, who says she was worshipped
33619in the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon ; and Berosus, in saying
33620that Artaxerxes Ochus first introduced the worship of 'A(^polir'/-,i
p. 537
33621Essay I.
33622THE CHILD-BEARING GODDESS.
33623539
33624Tavat Jos-, proves her to be the Goddess Venus. This identification
33625of Anata and Venus is further shown by a papyrus (pubHshed by
33626Champollion), where Venus is said to be " Neith in the East coun-
33627try, and Sme in the lotus and waters of the West ;" and the Venus
33628of Sparta and Cythera wore the dress and arms of Minerva.
33629Tanat or Thanith was also the name of a place in Cyprus,
33630where Astarte was worshipped. (See the Due de Luyne's Kings
33631of Citium ; cp. Citium and Chittim, (Kitium and Kitira) the
33632Hebrew name of Cyprus.) Tanath is thought to be Mylitta,
33633which agrees with the office of Diana in early times, Diana of
33634Ephesus had the attributes of prolific Nature, and on some coins
33635she stands between figures of the Sun and Moon. She is also as
33636a huntress with the stag (see beloiv). Lanzi thinks Anata the
33637origin of the Greek Savaror. In a Persian inscription the name
33638is written Anahid or Anahata, in Babylonian Anakhitu, in Greek
33639TocvccU ; and it is a curious fact that the planet Venus is still
33640called in Persian Anahid, js^U). The T is only the feminine
33641sign prefixed to Anaid.
33642Mylitta was properly " the mother of the child" and not
33643Lucina ; but they easily became confounded. And not only
33644No. 1.
33645l-'roiii Idaliiini.
33646No. 2.
33647Isis and Ilorus of Egypt.
33648do Mylitta and Alitta signify " the child-bearing " ( deity), but
33649the idea of a mother-goddess is found in many mythological
33650systems. In India Devaki nurses her child Crishna, Avho is an
33651Avatar, or incarnation, of Vishnoo ; and who, like his mother
33652VOL. II. 2 o
p. 538
33653540 DEITIES ABSTEAGT NOTIONS. App. Book III.
33654and some other Deities, lias a gloiy of rays round his head. (See
33655Kreuzer, Rel. de I'Antiq. par Guigniaut, pi. xiii. ; and Sir W.
33656Jones, vol. i. p. 266.) The mother and child are also found
33657among the idols of Mexico. Even Juno nursed Hercules (see
33658Winckelmann, Mon. Ined. No. xiv.), and several small statuettes
33659have been discovered at Idalium in Cyprus, where, as at Paphos,
33660Venus was particularly worshipped, which represent a Goddess
33661nursing an infant, bearing a marked resemblance to the Egyptian
33662Isis with Horus. From the same origin was the Greek fable of
33663Venus and Cupid. On the Etrusciin mirrors is another figure,
33664having a glory of rays on her head, holding a dead child, said to
33665represent Aurora with Memnon.
336669' Alitta occurs in the Carthaginian name Elissa, given to Dido,
33667whose story was perhaps derived from, and connected with, the
33668introduction of the worship of Venus into Italy, where, as in
33669Greece, she rose from the sea ; and Astarte, the Phoenician
33670Venus, was one of the Deities of Etruria, Some have thought
33671Elissa to be the name of El ("HXios-), with the feminine termination.
33672As Mylitta or Alitta was the producing principle, the Deity
33673in that character was, according to human notions, a female.
33674The Earth was chosen to represent that principle ; and we even
3367510. find in the religion of an aboriginal race in India, the Khonds
33676(according to Capt. Charters Macpherson), that their two great
33677Deities were Bella or Boora Pennu, the " Sun " or " God of
33678light," and his wife Tari, " the Earth ;" the latter opposed to
33679Boora, as evil to good, but still worshipped.
33680Some shades of difference next led to various subdivisions of
33681this primary Goddess (as in the case of the primary God), and
33682she who presided over childbirth was made distinct from the
33683" mother." But the relationship was still traceable ; and the
33684Egyptians ascribed the Vulture, the emblem of maternity, to
3368511. the two Goddesses Maut (" Mother") and Sehen (Lucina). Buto
33686(Latona) too, being primaeval darkness or " night, the genesis of
33687all things," had the attributes of Maut. Again, Maut was,
33688without any child, merely the abstract idea of mother ; while
33689Isis was represented with the infant Horus, as a direct personi-
33690fication of the maternal office. All was the result of their
33691mode of reasoning ; and nothing, as Plutarch says, was set
33692down by chance. Existence implied and required a begin-
33693ning, and all living beings a birth. Without therefore really
33694believing that one Deity was born of another, they made each
33695part of the general system ; and one Goddess was said to be
33696born of herself, as another, Khem, the God of Generation, was
p. 539
33697Essay I.
33698ASTARTE.
33699541
33700styled " the father of his own father," and consequently '*' the
33701husband of his mother," since production could only be an effect
33702of the generative principle. Maut was in like manner her
33703own mother, "proceeding from herself," as was said of Neith
33704(Minerva) in her legend at Sa'is. These were supposed to be
33705the necessary operations of the divine power after creation had
33706begun ; and the abstract ideas, that were embodied and became
33707Gods, were subjected to the same rules as all other beings which
33708proceeded or were endowed with life. Such Deities were not
33709thought to be physical realities, nor could they even always be re-
33710presented, as in the case of the "mother of herself;" they were
33711principles and abstract notions, and it was a necessary consequence
33712that each (like this of maternity, for instance) should be subject to
33713its own laws ; showing that the Egyptian system was not regu-
33714lated by, or made to accord with, an after-thought, as some have
33715supposed, but devised according to a consistent and set theory.
33716A similar idea is also found in Indian mythology, where 12.
33717Bhavani, the wife of Mahadeva, or Siva, answers to Juno-.
33718Lucina, or Diana-Solvizona of the Romans, as well as to Venus-
33719Urania, who presided over gestation ; and Lucretius very pro-
33720perly invokes Venus at the beginning of his Hymn on Nature,
33721where he says, lib. i. v. 5 : —
33722" Per te quoniam genus omne animantium
33723Concipitur, visitque exortum lumina solis ;"
33724andv. 22:~
33725. . . " Qu£e quoniam rerum naturam sola gubernaK."
33726(See Sir W. Jones, vol. i. p. 260.) Again, the original identity
33727of Diana of Ephesus and the most
33728noted of Goddesses, Venus-Urania, is
33729shown by the assertion of Demetrius
33730that "all Asia and the world" wor-
33731shipped the great Goddess Diana
33732(Acts xix. 29) ; and Venus being
33733called " Mylitta by the Assyrians,"
33734shows the latter to be really the
33735same as, or a character of, the great
33736Astarte or Ashtoreth of Syria. Lucian
33737thinks Astarte was the Moon, which
33738was one of the characters of this uni-
33739versal Goddess, and his opinion is con-
33740firmed by the Assyrian name of the
33741moon being Ishtar. Even the word iar-np (star) is thought to
337422 o 2
33743No. 3.
33744Found In Malta.
p. 540
33745542 THE DOVE, THE FISH GOD, AND ATHOE. App. Book III.
33746be related to Astarte. Lucian says she was supposed to be
3374713. Europa, the sister of Cadmus (de Dea Syr.) ; but this is a mis-
33748conception, except as far as Europe, or the West, was sister to
33749Kadm, or the East.
33750Phitarch (de Isid. s. 15) seems to identify Astarte even with
33751Minerva (see note on ch. 44, B. ii.). The dove was sacred to
33752her, which she carries on her hand ; and two are often seen as her
33753emblems ; sometimes on her breast, as in a statue at Citta
33754Vecchia, in Malta, and on the Roman coins of Paphos, Askalon,
33755and other places. Even the doves of Dodona appear to be con-
33756nected with her widely-spread worship (Strabo, vii. p. 227 ;
33757Herod, ii. 55). Herodotus (i. 105) pronounces the temple of
33758Venus-Urania at Askalon to be the oldest of this Goddess, who,
33759like Aphrodite, was related to the sea, and is represented stand-
33760ing in a boat on the coins of Askalon and Tripolis ; and Pausanias
33761pretends that the worship went to Askalon from Assyria (i. 14).
33762The Egyptian Athor (Venus) is also figured on coins of the
33763Empire with doves near her, unless indeed they are intended for
33764hawks (see Zoega). The bull was also said to belong to Astarte,
33765as a type of sovereignty, which accords with her reputed identity
33766with Europa.
3376714. Lucian thinks Semiramis was the dove, which the Syrians
33768abstained from eating, out of respect to her ; as from the
33769fish, which was sacred to the half-fish, half-woman Goddess
33770Derceto, her mother (see note on B. ii. ch. 109) ; and Diodorus
33771(ii. 4 and 20) says she was called Semiramis, the Syrian name
33772for a dove, from having been fed by doves when abandoned by
33773Derceto. (Cp. Ovid. Met. iv. 45.) Derceto or Dercetus was the
3377415. same as Atergatis or Atargatis, the A being omitted in the
33775" Greek name Derceto," as Pliny calls it (v. 23) ; and Derceto
33776is said by Lucian and Diodorus to be a woman in the upper
33777part, who from the thighs downwards terminated in a fish's tail.
33778This cetaceous monster was the " fabulosa Ceto," said by Pliny
33779(v. 14) to be worshipped at Joppa. According to Atheuaeus
33780(Deipn. viii. p. 84e) Atergatis was suffocated in a lake near
33781Askalon with her son Ichthys, by king Mopsus, and devoured by
33782fish ; and he relates another reason for fish of gold and silver
33783being dedicated to the Deity (viii. p. 346d). Jonah signifies
33784a " dove," and the connexion with the "fish" and Joppa is re-
33785markable. Atargatis was the same as Athara (Strabo, vi. p. 540.)
33786She was worshipped at Hierapolis, Bambyce (near Aleppo) or
33787" Magog of the Syrians " (Plin. v. 23 ; Strabo, xvi. p. 515), and
33788was called a S}Tian or Assyrian Goddess. It is not impossible
p. 541
33789Essay I.
33790MANY NAMES OF ONE GODDESS.
33791543
33792that the name Ky9ri/]7i was derived from Athara ; and the island 16.
33793of Cythera was called after the Venus of the Phcenicians who
33794colonised it. The resemblance of Athar or Athra, " fire " (in the
33795Zend), to the beginning of her name, recalls the Babylonian
33796Adar, " fire," but it is not necessarily connected with Atargatis,
33797nor with Athor, the Yenus of Egypt ; and Athor claims hers as a
33798native appellation, being Ei-t-hor, "the abode of Horus," which
33799shows her to be closely allied to Isis. But still Athor may
33800have been originally a foreign Deity transferred to Egypt, and the
33801name Athara may easily have been made to accord with an Egyp-
33802tian one of similar sound ; which, being thought to connect her
33803with Isis, obtained for her the emblems of the mother of Horus.
33804Besides the authority of Lucian (de Dea Syria), who shows that
33805the Juno of Hierapolis resembled " Minerva, Venus, the Moon,
33806Rhea, Diana, Nemesis, and the Parcse," we have evidence from
33807other sources of the various
33808characters of the same God-
33809dess; and an inscription, found
33810at Caervorran (now in the
33811Museum of Newcastle), thus
33812identifies the Syrian Goddess
33813with Cybele, " the mother of
33814the Gods," with "Ceres,"
33815and others : " Imminet leoni
33816Virgo ccelesti situ, spicifera,
33817justi inventrix, urbium con-
33818ditrix, ex quis muneribus
33819nossi contigit Deos. Ergo
33820eadem mater Divum, Pax,
33821Virtus, Ceres, Dea Syria,
33822lance vitam et jura pensitans,
33823in coelo visum Syria sidus
33824edidit, Libyse colendum ; inde
33825cuncti didicimus ; ita intel-
33826lexit numine inductus tuo
33827Marcus Csecilius Donatianus,
33828militaris tribunus in prgefecto,
33829dono Principis/' Astarte is
33830identified with Atargatis
33831. „ No. 4. Figure of Astarte, found in Etruria.
33832agam, by the mention oi
33833the latter with the temple' that was in Carnaim (Ashteroth-
338341 Called in the Septuagint version the " Atargateion."
p. 542
33835544.
33836UOTVERSALITY OF ASTARTE.
33837App. Book III.
33838Kornim) or Camion, a strong city of Gilead (see 1 Maccab. v.
3383926, 43 ; and 2 Mac. xii. 21-26) ; and with the Syrian Goddess,
33840by Lucian, as well as Xenophon, mentioning the sanctity of fish
33841and pigeons (or doves) among the Syrians, (cp. Xenoph. Anab. i.)
33842Macrobius (Saturn, i. 30) says, "to the great God Adad 'the
33843one' is added the Goddess Atargatis ; these being the Sun and
33844Harth ; and her statue stands on lions, as the Phrygians repre-
33845sent the Mother-Goddess Earth." (See below, p. 54-7.) From
33846this Adad or Hadad is derived the Syrian name of Ben-Hadad
33847(1 Kings XV. 18). On the Goddess Earth, and the bearded
33848Apollo (Baal, or the Sun) at Hierapolis, see Macrobius (Saturn.
33849i. 19). Both the Syrians and Assyrians "considered the dove
33850a Goddess" (Diodor, ii. 4, 20; Athenag. Legat.); and the fable
33851of the Egg that fell from heaven into the Euphrates, and was
33852hatched by two doves, appears to be a variation of that of
33853Semiramis, and relates also to Astarte.
3385418, The usual form of Astarte was a Goddess with four wings,
33855having a pointed cap, and holding a dove on her hand (woodcut
33856No. 4), Beneath her feet was the peculiar volute ornament
33857found on Phoenician monuments ; which being sculptured on the
33858walls of Crendi, in Malta, argues that those singular Druidical-
33859shaped ruins (the Hagar Keem, " upright stones") are of a people
33860whose religion bore some relationship to that of Phoenicia ; though
33861they are not Phoenician, for the Phoenicians would not have made
33862such rude monuments. Diodorus (v, 12) confirms what we know
33863from other sources, that Malta " was colonised by the Phoenicians,
33864on their way to the West, as well as Gaulus (Gozo), which was
33865first frequented by them," and where similar ruins are found,
33866and on a grander scale (called the Torre dei Giganti).
33867Some coins of Malta have a figure of Osiris, "with four similar
33868wings, on the reverse.
33869The Great Goddess of the East, Astarte, is found in all the
33870colonies of the Phoeni-
33871cians ; in Cyprus, Sar-
33872dinia, Malta, and Spain ;
33873and she also occurs
33874among the deities of the
33875Etruscans. (See note on
33876Book vii. ch. 166.) Her
33877cap is the same as on
33878many of the small heads
33879found in Cyprus, (See
33880Herod, i, 106.) It was sometimes turreted (like that of Cybele)
33881Xo. 5.
33882Found at Idalium, in Cyprus.
p. 543
33883Essay I. BAAL AND MOLOCH. 54-5
33884as on the coins of Sidon, Ga^a, Aradus, and others, where she is
33885frequently seen standing on the prow of a boat, being the pro-
33886tectress of mariners, as well as of sea-ports. In Paphos, as in
33887Syria, she was worshipped under the form of a conical stone,
33888instead of a statue, which is figiu-ed on the coins of Cyprus
33889(Tacit. His. ii. 3) with the area before the temple mentioned by
33890Pliny. Astarte was even admitted into the Egyptian Pantheon,
33891and she was " Venus the stranger," mentioned by Herodotus
33892at Memphis. (See note on Bk. ii. ch. 112.) The name of
33893Astarte is in Hebrew mnti>y Ashtarth or Astart, or, as we write
33894it, Ashteroth, Ashtaroth, or Astaroth (Gen. xiv. 5 ; Judg. ii. 13 ;
33895Deut. i. 4). Ashtaroth (1 Sam. vii. 4) is a plural form, like
33896Baalim ; and Baalim and Ashtaroth answered to " gods and
33897goddesses." The Venus of Persia, Anaitis, was worshipped also
33898in Assyria and Armenia (Strabo, xi. p. 352 ; xii. p. 385 ; xv. p.
33899504), as some think as early as the time of Cyrus, but more pro-
33900bably much later. (See above in this note, p. 538.) Macrobius
33901(Saturn, iii. 7) speaks of a bearded Venus in Cyprus, and says "
33902she is called by Aristophanes "Aphroditos" (corap. Hesychius
33903and Serv. on Virg. ^n. ii. v. 632), apparently according with
33904the notion of Juj^iter being of two sexes, as well as of many
33905characters, and with the Egyptian notion of a self-producing and
33906self-engendering deity. (See Orphic Fragm., and Avpendix to
33907Bk. ii. ch. 3, pp. 289-290.) This union of the two sexes is
33908found also in Hindoo mythology, and is similarly emblematic of
33909the generative and productive principles.
33910There were other deities in Syria (Judg. x. 6) ; as the Great 19.
33911Baal, Belus, the " Lord," "master" (Hercules, or the sun) ; and
33912Molech, or Moloch (Melek) the " king," the Milcom " of the
33913Ammonites," perhaps "the High King," or "their king."
33914(Amos V. 26 ; 1 Kings xi. 5, 7.) Some have thought Baal and
33915Bel (Isaiah xlvi. 1) different Gods. Baal and Molech (like
33916Adonai) were really titles of the god (see note on ch. 82,
33917Bk. ii.) which are found united in the name of Malach-Belus,
33918mentioned with Agli-bolus, as a Deity of the country in an
33919inscription at Palmyra ; and as the former was the Sun, the latter
33920was the God Moon (Lunus), whose name was derived from agl,
33921" to rotate." (Cp. the Arabic agl, " a wheel.") Melek is from
33922the same root as Amlak, " take hold of," "possess," or " rule," and
33923memlook (p. p.) " ruled," " slave ;" but Amalek (Amlek p'poy), and
33924Amalekite (Amleki) are not related to Melek, or Moloch, "i^O.:,
33925There were also Chemosh (Kemosh) of the Moabites (1 Kings
p. 544
33926546 HERCLE — EEMPHAX. App. Book III.
33927xi. 7) thought to be the Khem of Egypt ; Nebo " his Lord "
33928supposed to be Mercury ; Muth or " death " answering to Phito ;
33929and others noticed in sacred and profane history. Baaltis, or
33930Dione of Bybkis, mentioned by Sanconiatho, was probably a
33931female Baal, and a character of Astarte, and the Cypress (still
33932retained in the East as an ornamental device and as a funereal
33933tree) was sacred to her as the Persea was to Athor. Baal had
33934various characters, as Baal-Berith (Judg. viii. 33) of Shechem ;
33935Baal-Markos, to whom a temple was dedicated near Berytus
33936(Beiroot), with altars to " Jovi Baal-Markodi, perhaps the same
33937as Merodach (Jerem. 1. 2) or Merdok (whence Mardokempalus, the
33938fourth successor of Nabonassar in the Canon of Ptolemy), Pul,
33939Phul, and Pal, were Baal, or Belus. Baal, as well as HXior, is
33940connected Avith the Semitic Al "God," and from him Baalbek
33941(Heliopolis) received its name. Comp. the Welsh Haul " sun,"
33942the Moeso-Gothic Uil "sun," and the Gothic Ell "fire." The
33943sun-god Bella, or Boora-Pennu, "god of light of the Khonds also
33944recalls the Epirotic name Pieli ; though this is perhaps only similar
33945to the Slavonic bielo " white," to which a Slavonian author pre-
33946tends Baal to be related. Some derive Baal from Ba, " father,"
33947and al, " god ;" as Babel (Babylon) was from Bab-el (or Ilu)
33948"gate of god." Damascius says the Phoenicians and Syrians
33949call Chronos '^Hx, Br/X, and BoXa^ryv, and Sanconiatho, quoted by
33950Eusebius, makes IXi/r the same as Chronos. (See note " on Bk. ii.
33951ch. 44)
3395220. Among the Syrian gods, Selden (de Diis Syr.) mentions Our-
33953chol {comp. Our, " light ") the same as Arcles, whence Hercules,
33954the Etruscan Hercle, or Erkle ; Nonnus makes Hercules the
33955Babylonian sun ; he was the Phoenician Baal, and the Hercules
33956of Eg}'pt was also connected with Re. (See note on ch. 43,
33957Bk. ii., and ch. 8, Bk. iii.) It is singular that Africanus calls
33958one of the Shepherd-kings Arcles, or Archies ; and Dr. Cum-
33959berland thinks Certes to be Melicertes, or Melkarthus, the name
33960of the Hercules of Tyre. (See note on Bk. ii. ch. 104.) Mel-
33961karthus means "Lord of the city;" and Molech "of the Am-
33962monites," is probably this name of Hercules ; Kartha " the city"
33963being omitted. (See note on Bk. ii. ch. 44.)
3396421. The Syrian god Rimmon (2 Kings v. 18) appears from his
33965name Rimon, " pomegranate," to be related to the Jupiter of
33966Mount Casius, whose statue held that fruit in its hand (Achilles
33967Tatius, iii.) ; and Remphan, whose star the Israelites worshipped
33968(Acts vii. 43) at the same time with Moloch and Chiun (Amos v.
p. 545
33969Essay 1. CHEMOSH — KHEM — AMUN. 547
3397026), is thougtit to be the same as the Egyptian God of War
33971Ranpo — a foreign deity, who is found in Egypt with a goddess
33972standing on a lion, apparently also of foreign introduction,
33973answering to the Phrygian Cybele, or "Mother Earth." (See
33974At. Eg,, plate 69.) The mention of the star with Remphan (in
33975Acts) and with Chiun (in Amos) has made some suppose these
33976to be the same deity ; but the name of the Egyptian goddess
33977on the lion is Chen or Ken ; and it is remarkable that she
33978occurs on the same stela with Eanpo and Anata (evidently Anaitis)
33979the Egyptian Bellona. Some think Chiun to be the Chons
33980(Hercules) of Egypt, and the Saturn of the Syrians. The resem-
33981blance of Ken to Chiun, Ranpo to Remphan, Anata to Anaitis in
33982Egypt, are singular ; the appearance of those deities proclaims
33983a foreigfn origin : and the names of the children of Ammon,
33984as well as of " Chemosh their god," are too near to the Khem and
33985Ammon (Amun) of Egypt to be accidental. Some may connect
33986Seth with the same name in Syria. (Astarte is mentioned in
33987note ' on Bk. i. ch. 105.) For another view of the Assyrian
33988Mylitta, see. Sir Henry Rawlinson's "Essay on the Religion of
33989the Assyrians and Babylonians" in the Appendix to Book I. —
33990[G. W.]
p. 546
33991548
33992MAGIAN EEVOLUTION.
33993App. Eook Til.
33994ESSAY II.
33995ON THE MAGIAN REVOLUTION, AND THE REIGN OF THE
33996PSEUDO-SMERDIS.
339971. Ordinaiy theory on the subject — the revolution a Median outbreak. 2. Proofs
33998to the contrary — (i.) from the inscriptions — (ii.) from the general tenor of
33999ancient history. 3. Unsound basis of the theory — the Magi not Medes.
340004. The revolution really religious. 5. Proof of this from the inscriptions.
340016. Religious ideas connected with the name of Darius.
340021. The character of the revolution which placed Gomates^ the
34003Magian upon the throne of Cyrus has been represented by most
34004modern writers in a light, which is at once inconsistent with the
34005recently discovered Persian monuments, and with the view of the
34006event which the general outline of the history, as presented by the
34007ancient waiters, would most naturally suggest to us. Heeren,*
34008Niebuhr,^ and Grote'' unite in regarding the accession of the
34009Pseud o-Smerdis as a national revolution, whereby the Medes
34010regained their ancient supremacy over the Persians. This view
34011rests upon certain incidental expressions in Herodotus,^ which
34012find an echo in later Greek writers of no weight or authority.®
34013' I give him the name which he bears
34014in the native monuments — a trace of
34015which remains in the Cometes of Trogus
34016Pompeius (ap. Justin, i. 9), who how-
34017ever misapplies the appellation, giving
34018it to the other brother, the Patizeithes
34019of Herodotus.
340202 Asiatic Nations, vol. i. p. 346, E. T.
34021His words are: " It is usual to consider
34022this revolution as an attempt of the
34023Magians to get possession of the sove-
34024reign authority, because the principal
34025conspu-ators belonged to that caste ; but
34026by the express evidence of the most
34027credible authorities" (he refers in a note
34028to Plato ( !) and Herodotus), " the con-
34029spiracy had a higher object, the re-
34030establishment of the monarchy of the
34031Medes. The Magians, as we have ob-
34032served, were a Median race; and it was
34033natural for the Medes, when the true
34034stock of Cyrus had ended in Cambyses,
34035to aim at a resumption of their ancient
34036sway."
34037^ Vortrage iiber alte Geschichte, vol.
34038i. 157. He says: " Es miiss sein, dass
34039es eine wahre politische Revolution war,
34040nicht bless in der Dynastie, sondern in
34041Regiment, wodurch die Herrschaft von
34042den Persern an die Meder, und unter
34043diesen wieder an die Mager gekommen
34044war."
34045* History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 301.
34046" Smerdis represents prepondei'ance to
34047the Medes over the Persians, and com-
34048parative degradation to the latter. The
34049Medes and the Magians ai-e in this case
34050identical: for the Magians, though in-
34051dispensable in the capacity of priests to
34052the Persians, were essentially one of the
34053seven ( !) Median tribes. It thus appears
34054that though Smerdis ruled as a son of
34055the great Cyrus, yet he ruled by means
34056of Medes and Magians, depriving the
34057Persians of that supreme privilege and
34058predominance to which they had be-
34059come accustomed."
34060* There are three passages where a
34061Median character is ascribed to the re-
34062volt by Herodotus, viz., iii. 65, iii. 73,
34063and iii. 126.
34064* Especially Plato in the famous
34065passage of his Laws (iii. 12, p. 695.
34066p. 99, Tauchn.).
p. 547
34067Essay IF. USURPATION OF GOMATES. 549
34068The expressions are, undoubtedly, strong, and it must be con-
34069fessed that in the mind of Herodotus the idea existed which has
34070been put so prominently forward by the above-mentioned
34071writers. Still it is worthy of remark, that even in Herodotus,
34072the direct narrative does not convey the idea with any distinct-
34073ness, and it has to be drawn out from notices dropped inciden-
34074tally. The advocates of the Median theory themselves admit
34075this, Mr. Grote says : — " When we put together all the inci-
34076dental notices which he (Herodotus) lets drop, it will be found
34077that the change of sceptre from Smerdis to Darius was a far
34078larger political event than his direct narrative would seem to
34079announce."^ Niebuhr goes yet further, and professes openly to
34080depart from Herodotus, who represents the change (he says) as
34081merely one of dynasty, and does not give it its true political
34082importance, as a transfer of empire from the Persian to the
34083Median nation.'* Thus it appears that even in Herodotus himself,
34084the idea that the struggle was one of nationalities, and that
34085Media triumphed in the person of the Pseudo-Smerdis, is not
34086consistently maintained or asserted with that clearness and dis-
34087tinctness which was to have been expected if the usurpation had
34088really possessed the character attributed to it."
340892. That the oppressed nationality of the Medes did not triumph
34090by the accession of Gomates to the throne, is apparent, first, from
34091the inscriptions of Darius, and secondly from the general tenor
34092of ancient history.
34093(i.) The evidence of the inscriptions is, of necessity, chiefly
34094negative. Gomates is never said to have been a Mede, nor is
34095there any mention of the Medes as particularly connected with
34096the revolution.^ The idea of a national struggle is manifestly
340977 Hist, of Greece, 1. s. c.
340988 " Nach Herodots Erziihlung miisste
34099man nun glauben, es ware bloss dies
34100verandert worden, dass ein Mager unter
34101dem Namen des Persers an der Spitze
34102gestanden, und es ware dabei geblieben,
34103dass die Perser geherrscht batten, nur
34104unter einem Konige, der ein raedischer
34105Mager gewesen ware Es muss
34106aber hier anders gewesen sein." — Vortrage,
341071. s. c.
341083 If the Medes at this time regained
34109their supremacy over the Persians, the
34110alteration of relation should have been
34111noticed in Book i. eh. 130. Not only is
34112there no mention of the reign of the
34113Pseudo-Smerdis in that place, but we
34114are plainly given to undei'stand that the
34115subjection of the Medes to the Persians
34116continued uninterruptedly until the
34117revolt from Darius, which happened
34118(we know) in the third year of his
34119reign. Even in the third Book the
34120Median character of the revolt is not
34121put prominently foi-ward. This is what
34122Mr. Grote, in the passage above quoted,
34123confesses.
34124^ Media indeed is mentioned, but it is
34125only in connexion with Persia and the
34126other provinces. Col. i. par. 10, § 10:
34127" Then the lie became abounding in the
34128land, both in Persia and in Media, and
34129in the other pi-ovinces." Col. i. par. 11,
34130§ 7 : " From Cambyses the state went
34131over to him (Gomates), both Persia and
34132Media, and the other provinces." Col. i.
p. 548
34133550 GOMATES NOT A MEDE. App. Book III.
34134absent from the mind of Darius, who, if he had really wrested
34135the sovereignty from the Medes, and restored it to the Persians,
34136would undoubtedly have set forth such an exploit with sufficient
34137clearness. The national character of the various revolts which
34138occurred after he ascended the throne, is distinctly stated.
34139But further, there is some positive evidence that the usurpa-
34140tion of Gomates was not a Median triumph. For, 1. Gomates
34141is represented as a native of a region Avhich it is almost certain
34142was in Persia Proper. " He arose from Pissiachada, the moun-
34143tain's name Aracadres, from thence."^ Pissiachada, it appears
34144from another passage,^ was towards the extreme east of Persia,
34145not far from Parga, the modern Faliraj, which lies between
34146Shiraz and Kermdn. He was therefore, at least by birth, if not
34147by descent, a Persian. 2. Persia, not Media, is represented as
34148taking the most prominent part in the revolt. " The whole
34149state went over to Gomates," we are told, " both. Persia and
34150Media, and the other provinces." And again, " Gomates the
34151Magian dispossessed Cambyses hoth of Persia, and Media, and
34152the dependent provinces." 8. Equal surprise is expressed that
34153the Medes did not rise against the usurper, as that the Persians
34154submitted to him. "There was not a man," says Darius,
34155" neither Persian, nor Median, nor any one of our family, who
34156would dispossess that Gomates the Magian of the crown." *
34157(ii.) The general tenor of ancient histoiy leads to the same
34158result. 1. The facts related by Herodotus, as distinguished from
34159his opinion of the national character of the revolution. There is
34160nothing in the course of events, setting aside the speeches sup-
34161posed to be made, which would indicate that the Medes have any
34162particular interest in the struggle. No special favour is shown
34163to the Medes by the Pseudo-Smerdis ;* there is no transfer of the
34164seat of empire from Susa to Ecbatana® — no removal of Persian
34165governors' — no resistance is offered by the Medes to the counter-
34166par. 12, § 3 : " After Gomates the Magian iii. 67).
34167had dispossessed Cambyses both of ^ Susa is mentioned as still the ca-
34168Persia and Media, and the dependent
34169provinces, he did according to his
34170desire."
34171' Behistun Inscription, Col. i. par. 11,
34172§3.
341733 Ibid., Col. iii. par. 7, § 2.
34174* lb.. Col. i. par. 13, § 2.
34175^ He exempts from taxation and mili-
34176tary service for three years, not Media
34177specially, but the whole empire (Herod.
34178pital (Herod, iii. 70).
34179' Oroetes certainly retained his com-
34180mand dui'ing the Magian usurpation
34181(Herod, iii. 126). He was a Persian
34182(av>io u'-offr,;, iii. 120). Hystaspes is re-
34183presented as continuing to be sati-ap
34184of Persia (iii. 70). Aryandes, whom
34185Cambyses had made satrap of Egypt,
34186remained undisturbed in his office (iv.
34187166).
p. 549
34188Essay II. THE MAGI NOT EEALLY MEDES. 551
34189revolution® — no brand of disgrace set upon the Modes by way of
34190punishment.^ Everything, as will be shown hereafter, concurs
34191to indicate that the revolution was social, not national — Magian,
34192not Median — the ascendancy of a religion, not the revolt of a
34193people. 2. The authority of other writers of weight, whose tes-
34194timony is independent of Herodotus. Among these the first
34195place is due to iEschylus, who wrote wuthin 50 years of the
34196event (20 years earlier than Herodotus), and whose play of the
34197Persge indicates very exact acquaintance with the Persian history.^
34198-<Eschylus, enumerating the sovereign lords of Asia, when he
34199comes to the Pseudo-Smerdis, says : "The fifth was Mardus, a
34200disgrace to Ms country/, unworthy occupant of the ancient throne ;"^
34201an expression which has no meaning, if the Magus was a Mode,
34202and his usurpation raised his country, Media, from the condition
34203of a subject to that of a sovereign state, — but which has a very
34204pregnant meaning if he was a Persian of inferior rank and posi-
34205tion, who, to effect a religious revolution, established himself on
34206the throne. To the authority of ^schylus may be added that
34207of Ctesias, by whom the Magus is never said to have been a
34208Mede.^ Ctesias here is not (so far as appears) designedly opposing
34209Herodotus, which makes his testimony the more valuable.
342103. It may be observed further, that the whole notion of the
34211Magian revolution being a transfer of empire from the Persians
34212to the Modes, both in the mind of Herodotus and in that of the
34213recent authors who have so prominently put it forward, rests
34214upon the assumption that the Magi at this time were exclusively
34215a Median race. "The Magians," says Mr. Grote, "though indis-
34216pensable in the capacity of priests to the Persians, were essen-
34217tially one of the seven Median tribes."* And Heeren more
34218briefly lays it down : — " The Magians, as we have observed,
34219were a Median race."^ But was this really so ? Is it true that
34220at any time the Magi were exclusively Median? Herodotus
34221certamly enumerates the Magi among the six (not seven) tribes
342228 The revolt of Media, three years , (Marm. Par. 63, Miiller), would have
34223afterwards, in conjunction with Armenia
34224and Assyria (Beh. Ins., Col. ii. pars.
342255-13; Herod, i. 130), cannot with any
34226fairness be connected with the downfal
34227of the Magus.
342285 The success of the conspiracy leads
34229to a general massacre, not of the Medes,
34230but of the Magi ; and is commemorated
34231by an annual festival — the Magophonia,
34232not Medophonia.
34233' ^schylus, who fought at Marathon
34234his information from the prisoners taken
34235at that battle, who might many of them
34236have been grown up at the time of
34237the Magian revolution, thirty-one years
34238earlier.
34239TrifiTTTOi &e ^idpSos Tip^€i', alcrxvvri Trdrpo,
34240BpovoLcri t' ap;^atotcrii'. — -Pers. 780-1.
342413 Excerpt. Persic. §§ 10-14.
34242'* Hist, of Greece, 1. s. c.
34243* Asiatic Nations, 1. s. c.
34244I
p. 550
34245552 EELIGIOUS CHARACTER OF THE REVOLT. App. Book III.
34246of l^Iedia,^ and does not mention them among the ten tribes of
34247Persia.'' And this proves no doubt that Magism had been re-
34248ceived into greater favour in the one country than in the other.
34249But Magism itself was, as has been already shown," the old
34250Scythic religion, and was professed wherever there was a Scythic
34251population, which was certainly the case in Persia as much as in
34252Media.^ If the success of the Pseudo-Smerdis was a national
34253triumph at all, it was the triumph of the Scyths over their con-
34254querors, not of one Arian people over another. But in fact
34255there was nothing national, scarcely anything even political in
34256the change, which was a religious revolution, not a revolt or a
34257transfer of empire.
342584. The truth seems to be that the Arians who overran Asia
34259from the Hindoo Koosh to the shores of the Persian Gulf, were
34260everywhere but a small element in the pojDulation of the countries
34261subdued by them ; and thus, although in the first flush of con-
34262quest they succeeded in imposing their religion, which was
34263Dualism, upon the vanquished nations, very shortly, in every
34264country which they occupied, a reaction set in. The religion of
34265the mass refused to be crushed or stifled, and gradually rose from
34266its depression and made head against the invading worship.
34267Such reactions are common whenever sudden conquests are
34268made, and may be traced in the language and manners, as well
34269as in the religion of the conquered countries. In some places,
34270as in Media, the period of struggle was short, and the victors
34271readily yielded and became the disciples of the vanquished in
34272religious matters.^ In Persia the case was different. The Achs-
34273menian monarchs were staunch upholders of their ancestral
34274creed,^ and showed no favour towards a belief which was that of
34275the great mass of their subjects. Yet despite the frowns of the
34276court, Magism made progress. The Arian Persians, a simple and
34277impressionable people, gradually inclined towards it.^ The Magi
34278grew in power and influence. At last all seemed ripe for a
34279^ Herod, i. 101. 7 Ibid. i. 125. sculptures of any representation of
34280^ See Appendix to Book i. Essay v., sacrificial worship.
34281" On the Religion of the Ancient Per- ^ This is apparent from the statement
34282sians." of Darius: ""When Cambyses had gone
342839 The inscriptions of Cyrus at Pasar- i to Egypt, then the state became here-
34284gadfe, as well as those of Darius at tical : then the lie became abounding in
34285Persepolis and Xakhsh-i-Rustam, have the land, both in Persia and in Media,
34286a Scythic ti-anscript. and in the other provinces. Aftencards
342871 See Appendix to Book i. Essay v., there was a cei'tain man, a Magian,
34288§ 6, and note ^. named Gomates " (Beh. Ins., Col. i.
34289' See the Inscriptions passim. And pai's. 10, 11).
34290note the absence from the Pei"sepolitan j
p. 551
34291Essay II.
34292THE MAGOPHONIA.
34293553
34294change, and the priests of the old religion, taking advantage of
34295the prolonged absence of the Great King in Egypt, resolved to
34296strike the final blow, and to substitute for the existing State
34297religion, which was Arian Dualism, the old Magian belief and
34298worship, to which the bulk even of the dominant Persians were
34299well-disposed. A professor of the Magian religion, himself
34300(according to all accounts) a Magus, was placed upon the throne
34301of Cyrus. Perhaps the Magi feared to trust any but a member
34302of their own body — perhaps they looked further, and designed a
34303transference of the supreme power from the warrior to the priest
34304caste of the nation.^ In any case they seem to have surpassed
34305the limits of discretion, and to have over-reached themselves on
34306the occasion. The Persians, indifferent, or, it may be, well-
34307inclined to a religious change, could not tolerate the political
34308novelty of a Priest-King. As soon as it became known that the
34309successor of Cambyses was not his brother Smerdis, but a Magus,
34310the nobles conspired. Darius, the young head of the house of
34311the Achsemenidae, by right of his birth took the lead. Gomates
34312was slain, and a general massacre, like that which the Jews were
34313allowed by Ahasuerus,* struck terror into the Magi and their
34314adherents. The Arian religion was restored ; the temples were
34315rebuilt; and the annual festival of the Magophonia was insti-
34316tuted,^ to deter the Magian priests from ever again repeating
34317their bold adventure. Magism remained under a cloud, from
34318which it only gradually emerged, as the Arian faith, which it
34319had not been able to displace, became corrupted by intermixture
34320with it.
343215. The religious character of the revolution is clearly marked
34322in the great inscription of Darius. The origin of the troubles is as-
34323cribed to the fact, that " when Cambyses had proceeded to Egypt,
34324then the state became wicked. Then the lie became abounding
34325in the land, both in Persia and in Media, and in the other pro-
34326vinces." " The God Ormazd," as it is expressed in another
34327place," "created lies, that they should deceive the people.^-* The
34328acts recorded of Gomates — and it must be borne in mind that they
34329■• The Magi, it is probable, were an
34330actual caste. The pastoral, agricul-
34331tural, and warrior tribes of Persia, were
34332not perhaps strictly castes, since all
34333were soldiers upon occasion, but the
34334profession of arms was limited to the
34335warriors.
34336'=' Esther, eh. ix. Niebuhr makes this
34337comparison (Vortrage, vol. i. p. 158),
34338but witliout regarding the narrative in
34339the book of Esther as historical.
343408 Ctesias agrees with Herodotus both
34341as to the origin and the continuance
34342of this strange observance (Exc. Pers.
34343§15).
34344' Beh. Ins., Col. iv. par. 4.
p. 552
34345554
34346RELIGIOUS FAME OF DARIUS.
34347App. Book III.
34348are the only acts which Darius records of him — are religious
34349changes. They are the destruction of temples, and the abolition
34350of the existing worship, consisting principally, it would appear,
34351of sacred chantings. The acts of Darius, immediately upon his
34352accession, are the exact counterpart to these. His first care is to
34353"rebuild the temples which Gomates had destroyed, and to
34354restore to the people the sacred chants and worship, of which
34355Gomates had deprived them.''^ To this zeal he ascribes the pro-
34356tection which he has received from Ormazd. " For this reason
34357Ormazd brought help to me, and the other gods which are, be-
34358cause I was not wicked, nor was I a liar, nor was I a tyrant."^
34359And he commends his example herein to the imitation of his suc-
34360cessors on the throne, who are exhorted to " keep themselves
34361from lies,'' and " destroy utterly the man who may be a liar.'"^
343626. And hence we find in general history that Darius enjoys the
34363reputation of having been a great religious reformer. This is the
34364true meaning of that oft-repeated statement,^ so violently absurd
34365in the letter, 'that Darius was contemporary with Zoroaster.
34366The later Persian religion, after Magism had corrupted it, was
34367still regarded as the system established by Darius. Hence the
34368introduction of the name Griistasp into the Zendavesta, and hence
34369the respect paid even by the modern Zoroastrians to the memory
34370of the son of Hystaspes. The very efforts which he made against
34371Magism, or the religion of Zoroaster, have served to connect him
34372in men's minds with the system which he opposed. As the last
34373kno^vn reformer of the Persian religion, he was identified in the
34374popular judgment with the religion such as it eventually became.
34375Doctrines lonsf associated with the name of Zoroaster came thus
34376to be regarded as deriving their origin from Darius ; and as the
34377most convenient mode of reconciling the contending claims of the
34378two, a synchronism was supposed, and Zoroaster became a pro-
34379phet under whose inspired advice King Darius reformed and
34380purified the religion of his people.
343818 Beh. Ins., Col. i. par. 14.
343829 Ibid., Col. iv. par. 13.
343831 Ibid., Col. iv. par. 5.
343842 Plin. H. N. XXX. 1 ; Amm. Marcell.
34385xxiii. 6 ; Agathias, ii. 24.
p. 553
34386Essay IIF. POLITICAL SYSTEM OF PERSIA. 555
34387ESSAY III:
34388ON THE PERSIAN SYSTEM OF ADMINISTRATION AND GOVERNMENT.
343891. Uniformity of Oriental Governments. 2. Satrapial system of Persia. 3. Danger
34390of revolt — safeguards. 4. Power and vrealth of the Satraps. 5. Institution
34391of Royal Judges. 6. Fixity of the royal revenue. 7. The border Satrap.s.
343928. Extra-satrapial dependencies. 9. Satrapies not always geogi-aphically con-
34393tinuous. 10. Modes by which the subjection of the conquered races was
34394maintained — (i.) Disarming — (ii.) Transplantation — (iii.) Maintenance of a
34395standing army. 11. Position and power of the monarch. 12. Privileges of
34396the Persians. 13. Gradations of i-ank among them.
343971. The ancient Persian monarchy, both in its origin and in its
34398internal administration, closely resembled the modern Persian
34399and Turkish Governments. Since the fall of the Assyrian and
34400Babylonian kingdoms, the empires of the East have uniformly
34401arisen from .the sudden triumph of conquering nomadic hordes
34402over more settled and civilised communities. A Cyrus, a
34403Genghis Khan, a Timour, an Othman, a Nadir Shah, has
34404led the hardy inhabitants of the steppes or of the mountain
34405tracts, against effete races, long established in softer regions,
34406and abandoned to sloth and sensuality. Slow conquests, long
34407struggles of race against race, amalgamations, insensible growth
34408and development of political systems, to which we are habitu-
34409ated in the records of the West, are unknown to the countries
34410lying eastward of the Hellespont. In every case a conqueror
34411rapidly overruns an enormous tract of territory, inhabited
34412by many and diverse nations, overpowers their resistance or
34413receives their submission, and imposes on them a system of
34414government, rude and inartificial indeed, but sufficient ordinarily
34415to maintain their subjection, till the time comes when a fresh
34416irruption and a fresh conqueror repeat the process, which seems
34417to be the only renovation whereof Oriental realms are capable.
34418The imposed system itself is in its general features, for the most
34419part, one and the same. The rapid conquest causes no assimi-
34420lation. The nations retain their languages, habits, manners,
34421religion, laws, and sometimes even their native princes. The
34422empire is thus of necessity broken up into provinces. In each
34423province a royal officer representing the monarch — a Satrap, a
34424Khan, or a Pasha — bears absolute sway, responsible to the cro\A n
34425VOL. II. 2 p
p. 554
34426556
34427OFFICE OF SATRAP.
34428Afp. Book III.
34429for the tranquillity of his district, and bound io furnish periodi-
34430cally, or at call, the supplies of men and money, which constitute
34431the chief value of their conquests to the conquerors. Through
34432these officers the unity of the whole kingdom is maintained, and
34433in their connexion with the persons under their charge, and with
34434the central government the entire character of the system, and
34435its special aspect in the kingdom imder consideration, may for
34436the most part be traced.
344372. In the Persian empire, as in other Asiatic governments, the
34438monarch was all in all. Regarded as the absolute proprietor,
34439not only of the entire territory, but of the persons and proper-
34440ties of its inhabitants, all power necessarily emanated from him,
34441and was only exercised by others as his substitutes, and so long
34442as he chose to delegate to them a portion of his authority. The
34443satraps were nominated by the king at his pleasure, from any
34444class of his subjects ;' they held office while the king chose, and
34445were liable to deprivation or death at any moment, without
34446other formality than the presentation of the royal firmaii?
34447Originally they were charged with the civil administration only
34448of their provinces, their special business being to collect the tri-
34449bute (a fixed sum, at least from the time of Darius^) from the
34450inhabitants, and remit it to the treasury. They had besides to
34451pay the troops maintained in their satrapy, to see to the admi-
34452nistration of justice, and to exercise a general supervision, alike
34453over the external safety and the internal tranquillity of the dis-
34454trict under them.* Their office was distinct from that of the
34455commanders of the troops, who like them received their appoint-
34456ment from the monarch, and were answerable for the defence of
34457the territory from foreign or domestic foes;^ and distinct like-
34458^ No doubt they were ordinarily
34459Persians, and Persians of the tribe of
34460the Pasargadaj; but this was not neces-
34461sary. The king's favour could make up
34462for all deficiencies. We may see by the
34463examples of Daniel under Cyrus (Dan.
34464■vi. 28), and Mordecai under Xerxes
34465(Esth. ix. 4), the power and dignity to
34466which even members of the subject
34467nations might attain. Compare the cases
34468of Tabalus, the Lijdian (Herod, i. 153),
34469and Xenagoras the Halicarnassian Greek
34470(ibid. ix. 107).
34471'•^ Difficulties would occur in the exe-
34472cution of the king's orders, in ancient
34473as in modern times. Chardin speaks of
34474several instances of governors in Persia
34475who maintained themselves in their go-
34476vernments for a long time against the
34477will of the Shah, by robbing the mes-
34478senger of his despatches, or murdering
34479him (vol. ii. p. 310). And the famous
34480Ali Pasha is known to have baffled in
34481this way for several years the designs of
34482the Porte against him. That such cases
34483were not unknown in ancient Persia,
34484we may gather from the history of
34485Oroetes (Herod, iii. 126).
344863 Herod, iii. 89.
34487* Xen. Cyrop. viu. vi. § 3. Although
34488the Cyropsedia is a romance, we may
34489learn from it a good deal concerning
34490the intei-nal administration of the Per-
34491sian empire in Xenophon's time.
34492* These commanders are constantly
34493distinguished from the satraps by Hero-
34494dotus. See V. 25, and 123; also i. 162,
34495iv. 143, vi. 43, &c. Their independence
p. 555
34496Essay III.
34497SAFEGUARDS AGAINST REVOLT.
34498557
34499wise from that of the commandants of garrisons/ who were
34500charged with the maintenance of the strongholds. It sometimes
34501happened that the office of commander of the troops was united
34502with that of satrap, more especially in the frontier provinces,
34503where a divided command would have been dangerous." Two
34504or three distinct satrapies were also occasionally accumulated in
34505the hands of a single person, who thus became a sort of petty
34506king, and was tempted to shake off his allegiance. Hence
34507revolts frequently occurred,^ and long before the time of Alex-
34508ander, whole provinces had detached themselves from the central
34509government, and maintained only a nominal dependence.^
345103. To guard against this danger, the principal one to which
34511empires of such a character are exposed, was one of the chief
34512aims of the Persian political system. With this view, brothers,
34513or other near kinsmen of the monarch, were usually selected for
34514the more important satrapies,^ while in other cases, it was sought
34515to attach the dangerous functionary to the interests of the crown,
34516by giving him a wife from among the princesses of the royal
34517house.^ Nor was security expected from this plan without fur-
34518of the satrap is especially evident in the
34519liistory of the Ionian insurrection. See
34520V. 109, 116; vi. 6, &c.
34521^ The special passage which marks
34522this distinction is Xen. Cyrop. vrii. vi.
34523§ 1. Heeren (As. Nat. i. p. 338, note %
34524E. T.) thinks that it may be traced in
34525the arraogemeuts made by Cyrus in
34526Lydia, Tabalus being the commandant
34527of Sardis, Mazares the leader of the
34528forces, and Pactyas the satrap or go-
34529vernor. Certainly in modern Persia it
34530is the fact, that the commandants of
34531fortresses are independent both of the
34532civil governor and the officer in com-
34533mand of the troops of the province,
34534and receive their appointment and
34535orders from the Shah (Chardin, ii.
34536p. 302).
34537'^ This was evidently the case with
34538Tissaphemes and Pharnabazas (Thucyd.
34539viii.; Xen. Hell, i.-iv.), with Aryandes
34540(Herod, iv. 166-7), and^vith the younger
34541Cyi'us (Xen. Anab. i. i. § 2). Latterly
34542it became almost universal (Arrian,
34543Exp. Alex. iii. 8; Xen. (Econ. iv. § 11).
34544* Orcetes was satrap of Phrygia, Ly-
34545dia, and Ionia, at the time of his revolt
34546(Herod, iii. 127). Cyrus the younger,
34547of Lydia, Phrygia, and Cappadocia (Xen,
34548Anab. i. ix. § 7). Tissaphemes after the
34549death of Cyrus received all his govern-
34550ments, and held them together with his
34551own (Xen. Hell. iii. i. § 3).
345523 Pontus was certainly in this condi-
34553tion, likewise Paphlagonia, and most
34554probably Cappadocia. (See Heeren, ut
34555suprh, p. 426, and compare his Manual
34556of Ancient History, p. 294-7.) The
34557Uxians of the Koordish mountains were
34558absolutely independent (Arr. Exp. Al.
34559iii. 17).
345601 Hystaspes, of the blood-royal, was
34561satrap of Persia under Cambyses (Herod,
34562iii. 70), of Pai-thia under his own sou
34563Darius (Beh. Inscr., Col. iii. par. 16).
34564Ai-taphernes, a half-brother of Darius,
34565was made by him satrap of Lydia
34566(Herod, v. 25). Achaemenes, a son of
34567Darius, was made by Xerxes satrap of
34568Egypt (ib. vii. 7). Masistes, another son
34569of Darius, was about the same time sa-
34570trap of Bactria (ib. ix. 113). Pissuthnes,
34571satrap of Lydia in the early part of the
34572Peloponnesian war, was most likely a
34573cousin of Artaxerxes (Thucyd. i. 115,
34574Herod, vii. 64). Cyrus received his
34575extensive governments from his father
34576(Xen. An. i. ix. § 7). Was Tritan-
34577tseehmes, satrap of Babylon in the time
34578of Herodotus (i. 192), cousin to Arta-
34579xerxes? (See Herod, vii. 82, where he
34580is called the son of Artabanus.)
34581^ Pharaabazus married a daughter of
34582Artaxerxes Mnemon (Xen. Hell. v. i.
34583§ 28). Pausanias, when he aspired to be
34584satrap of Greece under Xerxes, himself
34585proposed a similar connexion (Thucyd,
345862 p 2
p. 556
34587558 ROYAL SECRETAEIES AXD COMMISSARIES, App. Book III.
34588ther safeguards. The powers of the satraps were checked, and
34589their ambitious longings controlled, in various ways. Some of
34590these have already come under notice. The independent
34591authority of the military commanders and of the governors of
34592fortresses was the most important of all, and made rebellion in
34593ordinary cases hopeless. It was only where such distinctions had
34594ceased to be maintained, where for one reason or another the
34595civil and military administrations had been placed in the same
34596hands, that a successful revolt could be contemplated. Even,
34597however^ where this had been done, the monarch's interests were
34598not left uncared for. The governor of a province, in ancient as
34599in modem Persia, was attended by a royal Secretary, receiving
34600his appointment from the Crown, and bound continually to keep
34601watch upon the saferap, and report his proceedings to the sove-
34602reign.'^ A practice is also said to have obtained, to which the
34603jealousy of modern times fails to present a parallel, whereby it
34604was thought to secure still more completely the obedience of the
34605provincial governors. Koyal Commissaries were sent year by
34606year from the court to the several satrapies, to make inquiries
34607upon the spot, and bring the king back an exact account of their
34608condition.^ This usage, however, must have been gradually dis-
34609continued, or have degenerated into a formality.
346104. Despite these checks the power of the satraps was at all
34611times great, and little short of regal. As they represented the
34612monarch their courts were framed upon the royal model : they
34613had their palaces,^ surrounded by magnificent parks and hunting
34614grounds — their numerous trains of eunuchs and attendants, and
34615their own household troops or body-guard.'' They assessed the
34616tribute on the several towns and villages within their jurisdiction
34617at their pleasure, and appointed deputies, called sometimes like
34618themselves satraps," over cities or districts within their pro\'ince,
34619i. 128). The commanders of the troops
34620were perhaps even more often attached
34621to the monarch in this "way than the
34622satraps. (Cf. Herod, v. 116, vi. 43, vii.
3462373; Arrian, i. 16, &c.)
346243 See Herod, iii. 128. Chardin, Voyage
34625en Perse, ii. p. 302: " II y a en chaque
34626province avec le gouverneur . . . . un
34627compare (Econom. iv. § 8,
346285 BxffiXita. Xen. Auab. i. ii. § 7;
34629Hell. IV. i. § 15. Compare Cyrop. viii.
34630vi. §§ 11-13.
346316 Cyrop. loc. cit. § 10. The body-
34632guard of Orcetes consisted of a thousand
34633Persians (Herod, iii. 127).
34634See the history of Zenis and Mania
34635Vakannviez, ou Secretaire, mis de la main ' (Xen. Helleu. iii. i. §§ 10-12). The tri-
34636du roi, dont Toffice consiste principale- i bute seems to have been raised by a
34637ment k rendre compte h la cour de tout
34638ce qui se passe."
34639■• See Xen. Cyrop. vm. vi. § 16, where
34640Xenophon expressly states that the
34641land-tax (Herod, vi. 42), payable partly
34642in money and partly in kind (Herod, i.
34643192). Herodotus, in his account of the
34644satrapies (iii. 90-4), gives only the money
34645practice continued to his day. And I portion, or rather that part of it which
p. 557
34646Essay III.
34647POWER OF THE SATRAP.
34648559
34649whose office was regarded as one of great dignity. So long
34650as they were in favour at court, they ruled their satrapies with
34651an absolute sway, involving no little tyranny and oppression.
34652Besides the fixed tribute which each satrap was bound to remit
34653to the king, and the amount that he had to collect for the pay-
34654ment of the troops of his province, he might exact for his own
34655personal expenses and the support of his court, whatever sum he
34656considered his province able to furnish.® All persons who had
34657any favour, or even justice to ask, approached him with gifts,^
34658without which success was not to be looked for ; and hence
34659enoi-mous fortunes were accumulated.^ The sole limit upon
34660the rapacity of the satrap was the fear of removal, in case the
34661voice of complaint became so loud as to reach the ears of the
34662monarch. Nor did the populations suffer only in purse from the
34663tyranny of their governors. Instances are found which show that
34664they were without any security against the grossest affronts and
34665indignities to their persons.'' Such cases seem certainly to have
34666been infrequent, and the general condition of the conquered
34667races umier the Achsemenian kiugs, contrasts favourably with
34668then- present state under the Turkish and Persian governments.^
346695. One cause of this superiority may be found in the fact
34670already alluded to, that throughout the Persian empire the native
34671local authorities were for the most part left standing, the satrap
34672dealing with them, and not directly with the common people.^
34673went into the royal treasury. The entire
34674amount drawn from the people was pro-
34675bably three or four times as much.
34676* How large this amount in some
34677cases was is evident from what Hero-
34678dotus tells us of Tritantsechmes, satrap
34679of Babylon, whose daily revenue was an
34680urtaha of silver, or more than 250?. (See
34681Herod, i. 192, and compare Heeren's
34682As. Nat. i. p. 410, E. T.) Heeren has
34683misconceived in one point the positions
34684occupied respectively by the satrap and
34685the monarch with regard to the revenue.
34686He speaks of the satrap as paying over
34687the balance of what he had collected to
34688the king, after providing for his own
34689expenditure (p. 423) ; whereas in point
34690of fact the payment to the king was a
34691fixed sum, and the fluctuating balance
34692was the satrap's.
346939 SeeXen. Hell, in. i. § 10, and § 12,
34694where what is said of Mania sufficiently
34695indicates the usual practice. (Compare
34696Anab. i. ix. § 22.)
34697' Tritantsechmes, besides his war-
34698horses, owned 800 stallions, and 16,000
34699mares! His Indian dogs were quar-
34700tered on four large villages, which he
34701exempted from any other payment
34702(Herod, i. 192). Tithraustes, the suc-
34703cessor of Tissaphernes, in one year dis-
34704bursed eighty talents (near 20,000/.), to
34705purchase peace for his province (Xen.
34706Hell. III. iv. § 26, and v. § 1).
34707- If even Persians of the highest rank,
34708such as Spithridates (Xen. Hell. iv. i.
34709§ 6), were in the provinces liable to
34710have the honour of a daughter assailed
34711(Ages. iii. § 3), what regard is likely to
34712have been paid to the feelings of the
34713conquered races?
34714^ The remark of Mr. Grote is just,
34715that " the empire of the Great King,
34716while it resembled in its main political
34717features the Turkish and Persian em-
34718pires of the present day, apparently did
34719not reach the same extreme of rapacitj',
34720corruption, and cruelty in detail" (Hist,
34721of Greece, iv. p. 315).
34722"• This was evidently the case with
34723the Greek towns (Herod, v. 37, vi. 43) ;
34724and was most likely universal, or nearly
p. 558
34725560
34726ROYAL JUDGES.
34727App. Book III.
34728Another lay in the comparative purity of the administration of
34729justice in ancient Persia. The institution of ro?/a? judges, ^. e.
34730judges deriving their authority directly from the king, involving
34731as it did the separation of the judicial from the administrative
34732office,^ tended in this direction ; and a still greater effect was
34733probably produced by the tremendous punishments mth which
34734corruption, when proved, was visited.'^ On the whole, it would
34735seem that while the caprice and cruelty of the kings rendered
34736the condition of the satraps and other great men as bad as it has
34737ever been under the worst of the Oriental despotisms," the
34738oppression of the masses was lighter than at almost any other
34739period in Eastern history.
347406. The levy on the part of the crown of fixed contributions
34741from the provinces heljDed to protect the commons ; for as the
34742monarch gained nothing by the rapacity of his officers, but rather
34743lost, since the provinces became exhausted, it was his interest to
34744punish greedy, and advance just and good satraps.® The bene-
34745ficial effect of this provision more than counterbalanced the evil
34746arising from insecurity of tenure, and from the absence, gene-
34747rally, of the hereditary principle from offices and employments.^
347487. The more remote the satrapy was from the seat of govern-
34749ment, and the more it had to fear from foreign enemies, the
34750greater the power of its ruler, and the more nearly he approached
34751to the condition of an independent sovereign. The satraps of
34752Asia Minor and of Egypt received and despatched embassies, and
34753so. Native princes appear in Caria (vii.
3475498-9), Cyprus (v. 10-i, 113; and Arrian,
34755ii. 20), Phoenicia (Herod, vii. 98; Arrian,
34756loc. cit.), Lycia (Herod, vii. 98), Cilicia
34757(ibid., comp. Xen. Anab. i. ii. § 12),
34758and Paplilagonia (Xen. Hell. iv. i. § 2).
34759The general practice of the Persians to
34760retain them is witnessed by Herodotus
34761(iii. 15).
34762* See Herod, iii. 31. The separation
34763is professedly made in modern Persia
34764and in Turkey, but it is seldom that the
34765cadi dares to resist the khan or pasha.
34766" Cambyses slew Sisamnes on this
34767account, flayed him from head to foot,
34768and made his skin a covering for the
34769judgment-seat (Herod, v. 25). Darius
34770was on the point of crucifying Sandoces
34771for the same reason, but spared him on
34772account of his signal services (ib. vii.
34773194).
34774^ The cruelties of Cambyses (Herod,
34775iii. 35) are ascribed to madness, but they
34776are not greater than those sanctioned by
34777Xerxes towards his brother's wife (ib. ix.
34778110-112), and by Artaxerxes Mnemon
34779towards those who disputed .with him
34780the honour of having slain Cyrus (Plut.
34781Artax. pp. 1862-3).
34782^ On the other hand, in modem
34783Persia, where it is the business of the
34784provincial governors or viziers to send
34785to the treasury as much revenue as the
34786province can possibly furnish, the op-
34787pi'ession is extreme. The monarch is
34788interested in the exactions of his officers,
34789and the harshest viziers rarely receive
34790any adequate punishment. The evils
34791of this system are seen by the Persians
34792themselves. (See Chardin, ii. pp. 300
34793and 308-9.)
347949 Exceptions are found, as that of
34795Otanes (Herod, v. 25), but the rule was
34796as stated in the text. On the contrary,
34797in modern Persia, the contrary rule
34798prevails widely. (Chardin, ii. pp. 301
34799and 325.)
p. 559
34800Essay III. CONDITION OF THE BOEDER SATRAPIES.
34801561
34802even engaged in foreign wars without communication with the
34803Court.' Besides their Persian body-guard, they maintained large
34804bands of mercenaries, chiefly Greeks,^ by whose aid they carried
34805on their contests with foreign states, or with one another.^ It
34806was in such provinces too that the practice chiefly obtained of
34807uniting the military with the civil administration, as well as that
34808of entrusting to the same hands two or more satrapies. The
34809temptation to revolt in such cases was great ; for, on the one
34810hand, the jealousy of the central government was continually
34811threatening the life or fortune of the too-powerful officer,* while
34812on the other success might reasonably be anticipated, and in
34813several instances^ was achieved. The expedient of appointing to
34814such posts the near relations of the monarch did not always suc-
34815ceed. More than one pro^'ince detached itself from the empire
34816under an Achaemenian prince, who probably found his birth and
34817rank help forward his ambitious projects.^ In other cases the
34818native princes, whom it was the liberal policy of the conqueror
34819to uphold, took advantage of their position to re-establish com-
34820plete or partial independence." When Alexander invaded Asia,
34821the Persian Empire was by these means considerably reduced
34822from the limits which it had reached in the days of Darius, or
34823even of Xerxes.^
348241 As Aryandes (Herod, iv. 165-7),
34825Pissuthnes (Thucyd. i. 115), Tissa-
34826phernes (Thucyd. viii. 5, &c.), Pharna-
34827bazus (ib. viii. 6, &c.), Tithraustes
34828(Xen. Hell. in. v. § 1), &c. In modern
34829Persia the khans of the frontier pro-
34830vinces send and receive embassies (Char-
34831din, ii. p. 311), but under special in-
34832structions on each occasion from the
34833court. In ancient Persia the king seems
34834only to have been consulted in cases of
34835peculiar importance. (See Herod, v. 31.)
348362 The younger Cyrus appears to have
34837begun this practice (Xen. Anab. i. i.
34838§ 6). It afterwards prevailed generally
34839through Asia Minor. (See Arrian, Exp.
34840Alex, i.-ii. passim.) The 20,000 merce-
34841naries who fought on the Persian side
34842at the Granicus seem to have been all
34843Greeks. (Arrian, i. 14, p. 30. Compare
34844i. 12, p. 27, and i. 16, pp. 34-5.)
348453 Cyrus was for some time at open
34846war with Tissaphernes. (Xen. Anab. i. i.
34847Compare Hellen. in. i. § 3.)
34848'' How narrowly Cyrus escaped, when
34849accused by Tissaphernes, we know from
34850Xenophon (Anab. i. i. § 3). Tissaphernes
34851himself was not so fortunate (Xen. Hell.
34852III. iv. § 25). Aryandes (Herod, iv. 166)
34853and Masistes (ib. ix. 113) were both put
34854to death on suspicion. Oroetes (ib. iii.
34855128) on something more. Megabates
34856(Thucyd. i. 129) was deprived of hia
34857satrapy, for no cause that we can see.
34858■' As Cappadocia and Pontus. See
34859the next note.
34860^ The case of Cyrus shows the good
34861chance that thei-e was of success in such
34862a rebellion. In Cappadocia and Pontus,
34863where branches of the Achaemenian
34864house are found, it seems probable that
34865royal satraps founded the dynasties.
34866^ As Evagoras I. in Cyprus (Diod.
34867Sic. XV. 2-4 and 8-9), and king Otys in
34868Paphlagonia (Xen. Hell. iv. i. §§ 3-15).
34869The Egyptian revolts likewise come
34870under this head.
34871^ Heeren (Manual of Ancient History,
34872p. 110, E. T.) asserts the contrai-y. But
34873the enumeration by Arrian of the na-
34874tions which fought at Arbela gives only
34875twenty names in lieu of the six-and-forty
34876of Hei'odotus. Alexander's conquests
34877account for about ten only of those
34878which are missing. Besides Paphla-
34879gonia, Pontus, and Sacia (Anian, Exped.
34880Alex. iii. 8), which were certainly lost
34881to the empire, there seems to have been
p. 560
34882562 ETHNICAL CHARACTEE OF SATRAPIES. App. Took III.
348838. Besides the satrapies, there existed at all times on the borders
34884of Persia, a number of countries owning the supremacy of the
34885Great King, and contributing to the resources of the empire, but
34886internally independent. Such, under Cambyses, were the Ethi-
34887opians bordering upon Egypt, the Colchians and their neighbours
34888towards the Caucasus, and the Arabs of the tract between Egypt
34889and Palestine.^ A similar condition was accepted by the Mace-
34890donian kings in the reign of Darius.^ Satrapies sometimes seem
34891to have reverted to it, making it their first step on the road to
34892independence. This was the case, towards the close of the mon-
34893archy, with Sacia and Cappadocia.^ The position of such coun-
34894tries resembled that of SeiTia, Wallachia, and Moldavia under
34895Turkey, of Thrace and Armenia under the early C^sars. Inter-
34896nal independence was allowed on the payment of a tribute, not
34897indeed definitively fixed, but still expected to reach a certain
34898amount.' A contingent of troops was also looked for in the case
34899of a great expedition,'* but could not, we may be sure, be
34900demanded. Still the strength of the empire was increased, in
34901war as well as in peace, by these semi-independent tribes, whose
34902communications with the court may perhaps have taken place
34903through the satrap on whose province they bordered.*
349049. A peculiarity in the arrangement of the satrapies, arising out
34905of the special circumstances of the empire, deserves a few words
34906of notice. Herodotus tells us that in some instances a satrapy
34907was not continuous, but was made up of detached tracts of terri-
34908tory.^ This was owing to the satrapial divisions being (as
34909Heeren observes") " ethnical rather than geographical," and to
34910the local intermixture of distinct races commou throughout the
34911East. As in modern Turkey, Greeks, Turks, Slaves, Wallacks,
34912and Albanians live interspersed among one another,^ so within
34913the limits of the ancient Persia, the difierent nationalities lay
34914a large defection towards the south- the army of Xerxes (Herod, vii. 69 aud
34915eastern frontier.
349169 Herod, iii. 97.
3491779). The Sacaiis and Cappadocians, as
34918before observed, fought at Ai-bela.
34919' Ibid. V. 18. I 5 Id this sense only can the statement
34920The Sacans and Cappadocians both made in Herod, i. 134^ be accepted.
34921sent troops to Arbela (Ai-rian, loc. cit.),
34922but the former, it is expressly said, as
34923allies only {nccTa iru^fiecx''"')-
349243 See the story of Cambyses and the
34925Cyi'enseans, when the latter fii^st made
34926(See note ad loc.)
34927^ Herod, iii. 89. The passage is a diffi-
34928cult one, but seems only capable of this
34929meaning.
34930' Asiatic Nations, vol. i. p. 350, E. T.
34931their submission (Herod, iii. 13, and | ^ A glance at the map in Professor
34932compare iii. 97). i Miiller's '• Languages of the Seat of
34933■* The Colchians, the African Ethio- ! War" will show this,
34934plans, and the Arabians, all served in
p. 561
34935Essay III. REPRESSION OF THE CONQUERED RACES.
34936563
34937scattered and separated. Certainly this was the case with the
34938Sacans,^ and with the Matieni,^ and it may have been more
34939widely prevalent. In such cases the jurisdiction of the satrap
34940extended over the various fragments of the race or races under
34941his government, and was not confined to a single locality. With
34942the wandering tribes, which abounded in the southern and east-
34943ern regions of the empire, the arrangement must have been espe-
34944cially convenient. Without it they would have been liable to
34945be claimed as subjects by several satraps, and to have suffered a
34946multiplied oppression ; or they might perhaps, by skilful manage-
34947ment, have escaped assessment altogether.
3494810. The division of the empire into satrapies was, as has been
34949already observed, originally and primarily, for financial purposes.^
34950The collection and transmission of the tribute, in money and in
34951kind,^ was the satrap's first and chief duty. He helped to
34952maintain the supremacy of the dominant race over the con-
34953quered tribes, which to so great an extent composed the empire ;
34954but that important object was in the main secured by practices,
34955and by an organisation distinct from the satrapial authority. A
34956few remarks on these points will properly conclude this portion
34957of the subject.
34958(i.) The conquered nations were in some instances disarmed ;*
34959in all, or nearly all, debarred from the profession of arms, which
34960they could only follow when summoned from their peaceful
34961avocations on occasion of some grand expedition. This tended
34962to produce among them an unwarlike temper, and so to keep
34963them inferior to their masters, with whom the possession and
34964profession of arms was almost universal.
34965(ii.) Tribes whose conquest had been very difficult, or which
34966had revolted after subjection, were not unfrequently removed
34967' See the great inscription at Nakhsh-
34968i-Rustam, and compare the note to
34969Book vii. ch. 64.
349701 The Matieni on the Halys (Herod,
34971i. 72) are geographically distinct from
34972those who inhabited the Kmrdish moun-
34973tains (i. 189, V. 49, &c.).
34974- Supra, § 2. Compare Herod, iii.
3497589; Xen. Cyrop. viii. vi. § 3.
349763 Besides the money tribute of which
34977Herodotus gives so exact an account
34978(iii. 90-5), a vast amount of produce
34979was contributed by the conquered na-
34980tions to the support of the army and
34981of the court. I3abylonia supplied one-
34982third of the latter expense (Herod, i.
34983192); to which we know that Media
34984contributed annually 100,000 sheep,
34985and Cappadocia half that number (Strab.
34986xi. p. 764), while other coimtries gave
34987in proportion. Egypt, besides her share
34988of this expense, supplied corn for
34989120,000 soldiers, which was the num-
34990ber of her garrison (Herod, iii. 91).
34991Cilicia furnished annually 360 white
34992horses (ib. ch. 90) : Babylon, besides
34993her corn, 500 boy-eunuchs (ibid. ch.
3499492). From these instances conclusions
34995may be drawn as to the rest of the
34996provinces.
34997"* See Herod, i. 155-7, which may be
34998accepted thus far. Heeren injudiciously
34999adopts the entire narrative (As. Nat. i.
35000p. 409, E. T.).
p. 562
35001564
35002STANDING ARMIES.
35003App. Book III,
35004from their own country to a distant part of the empire.^ The
35005close connexion of patriotism, and the love of liberty with local
35006attachments, was sufiSciently understood, and experience seems
35007to have shown that by this means the most refractory could be
35008made submissive and peaceable.
35009(iii.) Where extreme measiures such as these were not resorted
35010to, the subjection of the conquered nations was maintained by
35011the more simple and natural expedient of keeping on foot large
35012standing armies, originally consisting entirely of native Persians,''
35013and distributing them throughout the provinces. These troops
35014occupied all the strongholds,^ and were quartered in great
35015numbers throughout the principal towns,^ while a system of
35016posts,' or government couriers, was so organised that rapid intel-
35017ligence of a rising in any quarter could be communicated from
35018city to city, and even from province to province. Large bodies
35019of troops on which entire dependance could be placed, were thus
35020within a short time concentrated wherever danger threatened,
35021and movements of revolt on the part of the conquered, unless in
35022countries peculiarly situated, were (while the empire retained its
35023vigour) speedily put down.^ In later times, wlien the Persian
35024■' The following are the chief known
35025instances of this practice : 1 . The trans-
35026portation of a large body of Egyptians
35027to Susa by Cambyses (Ctes. § 9), of the
35028Barcseans into Bactria (Herod, iv. 204),
35029of the Bseonians into Asia Minor (ib.
35030V. 17), of the Milesians to Amp^ (ib. vi.
3503120), of the Eretrians to the Susianian
35032Ardericca (ib. vi. 119), and of the Ca-
35033riaus and Sitacenians into Babylonia
35034(Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 48). It is pos-
35035sible, as Heeren supposes (As. Nat. i.
35036p. 340), that the Colchians may have
35037been transported Egyptians. Again, it
35038is not improbable that the population
35039of the " Egyptian villages " in Asia Mi-
35040nor, of which Xeuophon speaks (Cyrop.
35041vii. 1, § 45; Hell. iii. 1, § 7), settled ac-
35042cording to him by Cyrus after his defeat
35043of 'Croesus, may really have consisted
35044of Egyptians transported for rebellion.
35045How recognised a feature of Persian
35046policy such transplantation was, is indi-
35047cated by the ready acceptance given to
35048the fiction of Histiseus (Herod, vi. 3).
35049The practice has been at all times com-
35050mon in the east. With regard to its use
35051by the Assyrians, see the Essays aja-
35052pended to Book i. Essay vii. § 39. With
35053regard to modern times, Chardin tells
35054us that Shah Abbas transported several
35055colonies of from 20,000 to 30,000 families
35056a distance of 200 or 300 leagues (Voyage
35057en Perse, vol. iii. p. 292); and Ferrier
35058speaks of the " wholesale removal of
35059populations" as "common through Cen-
35060tral Asia" (Cai-avan Journeys, p. 395).
35061^ Or perhaps of Persians and Medes.
35062(See Thucyd. i. 104.)
35063' See Xen. Cyrop. viii. vi. § 1, which
35064is confirmed historically by many pas-
35065sages. (Cf. Herod, ii. 30; Xen. Anab. i.
35066iv. § 4; Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 17, &c.)
35067^ The garrison of Memphis in the
35068time of Herodotus consisted of 120,000
35069Persians (Herod, iii. 91). In the time
35070of Alexander 20,000 Persians and 20,000
35071mercenaries garrisoned the north-west-
35072ern corner of Asia Minor (Arrian, Exp.
35073Alex. i. 14). From these numbers the
35074enormous amount of the entire standing
35075army may be conjectured,
35076^ "Ayya.^01, or ayya^niot (vide infia,
35077viii. 98, and compare Xen. Cyrop. viii.
35078vi. § 17).
35079' For a proof of the speed with which
35080forces could be collected on an emer-
35081gency, see Herod, v. 102, Compare v.
35082108. Xen. Anab. i. iv. § 5, and vii.
35083§§ 11-12. Arrian, ut suprli. The suc-
35084cessful revolts of conquered nations
35085were uniformly upon the outskirts of
35086the empire, and generally in detached
35087districts, such as Egypt.
p. 563
35088Essay III. DESPOTIC POWER OF THE KING. 565
35089race had degenerated, and the standing army consisted in great
35090part of mercenaries/ such revolts were sometimes crowned with
35091success ; but the instances are rare even at this period.^
3509211. From the condition of the conquered races, and of their
35093immediate rulers, the satraps of the several provinces, it is time
35094to pass to that of the dominant nation, and of the sovereign.
35095The Persian monarch was an irresponsible despot. Whatever
35096limitation may have been placed upon the authority of a weak
35097and timid king by the grandees of his court, pleading the invio-
35098lability of Persian law,* it is certain that a sovereign of any
35099energy of character could set himself up above all legal re-
35100straints, and follow to the fullest extent the dictates of his own
35101caprice. The answer of the royal judges to Cambyses sets this
35102matter in its true light, and shows clearly that the power of the
35103kings was absolutely without limit. The judges " found a law
35104that the Persian king might do whatever he pleased."^ Such a
35105principle would cover any and every transgression of all rules,
35106religious or other, which might be supposed to have a universal
35107obligation. Accordingly we find the Achsemenian monarchs not
35108only tyrannising at will over the persons of their subjects, but
35109trampling whenever it pleases them upon the most sacred reli-
35110gious ordinances.'' No class is secure from their oppression, no
35111privilege beyond their control, no law safe from their infrac-
35112tion.'' Like other despots they are liable to the last resort of the
35113oppressed — assassination f but so long as they live, their word is
35114law, and their will without check or hindrance.
35115There does not appear to have been in ancient, any more than
35116in modern^ Persia, a regularly established council. The king
35117occasionally referred matters to the decision of the royal judges,^°
35118and convened assemblies of the grandees for deliberation on
351192 In the latter times they seem in
35120some satrapies to have equalled or ex-
35121ceeded the number of the native troops.
35122(AiTian, 1. s. c. ; compare iii. 7.)
351233 That of Egypt from Darius Nothus
35124is the most remarkable. Cyprus and
35125Paphlagonia are perhaps the only other
35126instances. In the former success was
35127only temporary.
351284 See Dan. vi. 14-15; Herod, ix. 111.
35129* Herod, iii. 31 : rZ (iaaiXivovTi nsgo-to/v
35130i^uvai mitTv TO ccv fiovXnrai.
35131^ Marriage with a sister was clearly
35132considered as incestuous in Persia, yet
35133Cambyses married two of his (^Herod. | p. 390), necessarily Magi,
35134loc. cit.).
35135' The law that the king should only
35136marry from the families of the six con-
35137spirators (Herod, iii. 84) was one which,
35138if any, might have seemed likely to be
35139observed. Yet it was broken by Aha-
35140suerus (Xerxes?) when he espoused
35141Esther (Esth. ii. 17).
35142* Of the nine kings who succeeded
35143Darius, three (Xerxes I., Xerxes II.,
35144and Artaxerxes III.) were murdered.
351459 See Chardin, vol. ii. p. 29i3.
35146"* See Herod, iii. 31. There is no
35147reason to suppose that these judges
35148were, as Ileeren supposes (As. Nat. i.
p. 564
35149566
35150PRIVILEGES OF THE DOMINANT EACE. App. Book III.
35151affairs of particular importance ;^ but nothing seems to have
35152bound him either to call such councils, or, if he called them, to
35153abide by their sentence.^ When a council was summoned at the
35154court, certain nobles, it is probable, had the right of attendance,
35155but the monarch might invite to his council-table any persons
35156whose judgment he valued.^
35157In default of a legitimate control the Persian kings were apt
35158to fall under the influence, either of a favourite,^ or more com-
35159monly of the queen-mother, or of one of their wives.^ Bred up
35160in the seraglio, under the tutelage of eunuchs and women, and
35161often with no definite expectation of the crown," they found
35162themselves at their accession in a state of vassalage, which they
35163mostly lacked strength to throw off. The real ruler of Persia
35164was in general a Bagoas, or a Parysatis, in whose hands the
35165monarch was but a puppet, and who, from the interior of the
35166gynseceum or harem, directed the counsels and bestowed the
35167honours of the empire. These disorders however belong to the
35168later period of the monarchy. They first appear at the close of
35169the reign of Darius/ and only come into full play after the
35170return of Xerxes from the Greek expedition.
3517112. The native Persians themselves, though equally destitute
35172with the conquered races of any real personal freedom,* were per-
35173mitted, by the favour or policy of their rulers, certain special
35174\
35175' See Herod, vii. 8, viii. 67; Esth. i.
3517613-15.
35177- This is evident from the words and
35178conduct of Xerxes (Herod, vii. 8, 11-18).
351793 The " seven princes of Persia " may-
35180have had the right of attendance, and
35181so have been called par excellence the
35182king's counsellors (Esth. i. 14; Ezra vii.
3518314), but the monarch summoned besides
35184" all that knew law and judgment"
35185(Esth. i. 13). Those who attended the
35186great council of war before the invasion
35187of Greece seem to have been the satraps
35188and commanders of the troops through-
35189out the provinces (Herod, vii. 8, §§ 4
35190and 19.)
35191■• Generally a eunuch, as Spamitres
35192(Ctes. § 29), the favourite of Xerxes in
35193his later years; Artoxares (ib. § 49),
35194the favourite of Darius Nothus ; Bagoas
35195(Diod. Sic. x^^. 50, end), the favourite of
35196Artaxerxes Ochus, &c. ; but sometimes
35197a noble, as Mardonius, who governed
35198Xerxes in the beginning of his reign.
351995 See Herod, vii. 3, end; ix. Ill;
35200Plut. Artaxerx. p. 1861-6; Xen. Anab.
35201I, i. §§ 3-4.
35202* The law of succession was very ill
35203determined (Herod, vii. 2), and left the
35204monarch a power within certain limits
35205of determining his successor. This
35206power he would rarely exercise till to-
35207wards the close of his life (see Herod,
35208i. 208; Ctes. Persic. § 8), when the cha-
35209racter of the youth was formed.
35210_ <■ Herod, vii. 3, end: 'H ya^"ATi><r(ra
35211iixi ro TTav K^dros. The accounts given
35212by Ctesias (Persic. §§ 8, 9), which would
35213extend to the reigns of Cambyses, and
35214even of Cyrus, the manners of his own
35215day, appear to me little worthy of credit.
35216* Acts of tyrannical cruelty have most
35217commonly Persians for their objects. It
35218is sufficient to mention the cases of
35219Prexaspes (Herod, iii. 35), (Eobazus
35220(ib. iv. 84), Masistes (ib. ix. 111-3),
35221Mithridates (Plutarch, ii. p. 1861), and
35222the twelve nobles buried to the head by
35223order of Cambyses (Herod, iii. 35, end).
35224The higher position of the Persians
35225brought them into contact with the
35226sovereign more frequently than others.
35227(See Heeren, As. Nat. i. p. 362.)
p. 565
35228Essay IIT. GRADATIONS OF RANK AMONG THE PERSIANS. 567
35229]3rivileges. The province of Persia Proper was exempt from
35230tribute.^ Persians liad universally precedence over the other
35231nations which composed the empire.' Offices and employments
35232of importance, though not absolutely confined to them, were yet,
35233with rare exceptions, conferred upon the dominant race.^ They
35234alone appear to have formed the household of the monarch.-^
35235Many of them received assignments upon the conquered countries,
35236of houses, lands, and vassals, ■* from which they drew large
35237revenues. Others accompanied the satraps to their provinces as
35238bodyguards,^ and lived at the expense of the inhabitants. None
35239engaged in trade,^ or in any menial employ. All Persians of the
35240tribes which were neither agricultural nor pastoral, seem, unless
35241attached to the court, to have followed the profession of arms.
35242They formed a martial caste, which held itself distinctly above
35243the rest of the population.
3524413. Besides the difference here indicated between the three
35245leading Persian tribes and the other six, some further gradations
35246of rank and dignity are found to have prevailed. The tribe of
35247the Pasargadse, to which the royal family of tlie AchaemenidaB
35248belonged, had a decided pre-eminence over both the Maraphians
35249and the Maspians." Among the Pasargadse, the royal family,
35250which owing to the prevalence of polygamy was very numerous,
35251held the first place. Next in order seem to have followed the
35252families of the six conspirators, which had the privilege of fur-
352535 Herod, iii. 97. Of course it sup- of the government,
35254ported its satrap and gari'isons, but it ^ Heeren's arguments (As. Nat. i.
35255paid nothing to the central government, p. 395) scarcely prove that the house-
35256* In war (Herod, vii. 55, viii. 113, hold was composed entirely of Pasar-
35257ix. 31). In processions, where the right gadse, but there seems no reason to
35258hand, the post of honour, was assigned doubt that it was, at least as a general
35259to them (Xen. Cyi'op. viii. iii. § 10). rule, made up of Persians.
35260In games (ibid. §25), In approaching ■* Xen. Cyrop. viii. vi. § 5. The state-
35261the king (ibid. § 1-4). ! ment is confirmed by the known prac-
35262- It is not very uncommon to find tice of conferring occasionally such gifts
35263high office entrusted to a Mede (see upon foreigners, as upon Themistooles
35264Herod, i. 156, 162; vi. 94; vii. 88; i (Thucyd. i. 138) and Demaratus (Herod.
35265Beh. Inscr. ii. xiv. 6, and iii. xiv. 3), \ vi. 70).
35266but wondei-fuUy few instances occur of ^ * Orcetes was guarded by a thousand
35267high office held by a native of any other Persians (Herod, iii. 127). The only
35268conquered countiy. Profane histoi-y i peculiarity in his case was the number,
35269furnishes, I believe, but two examples, ^ Hence the contempt which Cyrus
35270thatofTabalus (Herod, i. 153), and that is said to have expressed for the Lace-
35271of Xenagoi'as (ibid. ix. 107), Even the dsemouiaus (Herod, i. 153).
35272Median appointments are rare compared ' Heereu (As. Nat. i. ch. ii.) carries
35273with the Persian. Of course the cases this pre-eminence beyond its just
35274must be excepted of tributary princes, bounds, and says nothing of the rank
35275and native rulers allowed to maintain a of the Maraphians and Maspians. Yet
35276certain authority over their people, but Herodotus distinctly states it (i. 125,
35277forming no part of the recognised staff compare iv. 167),
p. 566
35278rj6s
35279NO ORDER OF NOBILITY.
35280A pp. Book III.
35281nishing wives to the king.^ Among tliese the descendants of
35282Otanes po^ssessed special rights, though of what nature we have
35283no distinct information.^ Perhaps the representatives of these
35284six families, and of the royal house,' formed the " seven princes
35285of Persia, which saw the king^s face, and sat the first in the
35286kingdom."^ Further than this there was no order of nobility,
35287unless we consider the possession of the crown grants mentioned
35288above, which were handed down from father to son,^ to have
35289constituted a noble class.
35290Such seem to have been the chief outlines of a system, which,
35291simple and inartificial as it was, sufficed to maintain one of the
35292largest empires that the world has ever seen during a space of
35293more than two centuries.
35294^ Herod, iii. 84 (cf. note ad loc).
35295" We know indeed that the head of
35296the family of Otanes received an annual
35297knftan of the most sjjlendid descriiitiou.
35298But the family must have had other
35299rights unknowTi to us, to justify the
35300expression of Herodotus (iii. 83, S/ajte-
35301Xiii fiovvyi iXivhon invace. Tiipir'iut, xa.)
35302ap^iTai ToiraZra. o<ra a.iiT» (iXn),
35303' There is some difficulty in sup-
35304posing this (see uote^ onBookiii.ch. 71J;
35305but perhaps the royal house was repre-
35306sented by the head of the branch next
35307in order of succession to that upon the
35308throne, which was the position of Darius
35309at the time of the conspiracy.
353102 Esth. i. 14.
35311^ Xen. Cyrop. 1. s. c. The estates of
35312Demaratus were, we know, transmitted
35313to his descendants (Xen. Hell. iii. i.
35314§G).
p. 567
35315Essay IV.
35316TOPOGRAPHY OF BABYLON.
35317569
35318ESSAY IV.
35319ON THE TOPOGRAPHY OF BABYLON.
353201. Want of an accurate survey. 2. Great extent of Babylon according to
35321ancient writers. 3. No traces of the original enceinte. 4. General plan of
35322the existing ruins. 5. Their position on the left bank of the Euphrates
35323a difficulty — modes of meeting it. 6. Canal between the northern and the
35324central ruins. 7. Mound of Babil, the temple of Belus — its present state.
353258. Proofs of the identity. 9. Mounds of the Easr and Amrdm, the ancient
35326palace. 10. Site of the great reservoir. 11. Palace of Neriglissar, and
35327embankment of Nahunit. 12. Triangular enclosure, of the Parthian age.
3532813. The 2)'jVs-iV^i/nr«c?— its present appearance. 14. Original plan of the Birs.
3532915. Its ornamentation. 16. The Birs rebuilt by Nebuchadnezzar — his ac-
35330count of the restoration.
353311. The topography of ancient Babylon is a subject which is still
35332involved in so much doubt and difficulty that only a very slight
35333sketch of it will be attempted in the present Essay. Accurate
35334surveys on a large scale have recently been made by thoroughly
35335competent persons ' under the direction of the British Govern-
35336ment ; but the results have not yet reached England, and it is
35337uncertain whether months or years may elapse before they be-
35338come accessible to the public. In default of these materials it is
35339necessary to have recourse to the very incomplete and inexact
35340charts which have been published by the late Mr. Eich ^ and Sir
35341R. Ker Porter ^ — charts which can only be viewed as giving a
35342general notion of the extent of the ruins, and roughly deter-
35343mining a few main positions. It is clearly undesirable, when
35344the data are so insufficient, and when they are likely to be in
35345a year or two superseded by materials of a vastly superior cha-
35346racter, to enter into an elaborate discussion of the various intri-
35347cate questions involved in the wide subject here proposed for
35348consideration. Certain main points may, however, be regarded
35349as sufficiently determined, even by means of the rough surveys
35350' The chief superintendant of the
35351surveys has been Captain Jones, already
35352so well known from his similar laboui's
35353in Upper Mesopotamia. (See As. Soc.
35354Joum. vol. XV. Part 2, Art. v.)
35355^ In his "Memoir on Babylon," first
35356published in the Mines de I' Orient, and
35357since frequently reprinted. The last
35358and best edition is that edited by his
35359widow in 1839.
35360•* Travels, vol. ii. opp. page 349. Mr.
35361Layard is not a separate authority. He
35362derived the plan given in his Nineveh
35363and Babylon (p. 490) from Sir R. K.
35364Porter. See his acknowledgment, p.
35365492, note.
p. 568
35366570 EXTENT OF THE ANCIENT CITY. App. Book III.
35367already published, and certain principal buildings and other
35368features of the ancient city may be considered as identified by
35369the inscriptions on their remains and by the descriptive docu-
35370ments of the Babylonian kings. To these leading features of
35371the topography, and to these only, it is proposed at present to
35372direct the reader's attention.
353732. The most remarkable fact recorded of Babylon by the
35374ancient writers is its extraordinary extent. According to Hero-
35375dotus"* it was a square, 120 stades or nearly 14 miles each way,
35376covering thus an area of nearly 200 square miles ! This estimate
35377is somewhat diminished by the historians of Alexander,^ who
35378reduce the side to about 1 1 miles, and the area to something less
35379than 130 square miles. Even this space is (according to modern
35380notions) enormous, being five or six times the size of London.
35381The authority, however, upon which it rests is of great weight
35382and importance ; for one cannot but suppose that accurate mea-
35383surements would be made by the Greeks upon their conquest of
35384the city.*^ It seems, therefore, necessary to accept the statement,
35385and to suppose that a wall of great height " surrounded an area of
35386the size indicated, and that the name Babylon attached in popular
35387parlance to the entire space within the rampart. Of course, how-
35388ever, if the wall was of this extent, only a small proportion of the
35389ground Avithin it can have been covered with buildings. The
35390Babylon thus described was not a town, but a great fortified dis-
35391trict very partially built upon, and containing within it not only
35392gardens and parks, but numerous fields and orchards.^
353933. Of the great wall enclosing this space, it is agreed by almost
35394all travellers that not a vestige remains.^ It has been destroyed
35395by quarrying, or has sunk into the ditch from which it arose ;'"
35396and there is no possibility of even determining its position, unless
35397* Book i. ch. 178. I been generally allowed by modern
35398* For the details see note * on the -writers. (See Rich's Second Memoir,
35399above-named chapter. p. 14- ; Ker Porter, vol. ii. p. 386 ;
354008 The only ai-gument that can be Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 494 ;
35401urged with any effect against this, is Niebuhr, Lectures on Ancient History,
35402that the walls had perished before vol. i. p. 24, note ^'^, E. T.)
35403Alexander's conquest, and therefore ^ M. Oppert alone, I believe, disputes
35404that his historians only reported a tra- this. He is of opinion that he has found
35405dition. But it is veiy unlikely that traces of the walls, or rather of their
35406they could have altogether disappeared towers and gates, in certain of the
35407so early. And Abydenus expressly ; mounds or Tels which cover the flat
35408states that the wall of Nebuchadnezzar country on either side of the Euphrates,
35409continued to Alexander's time. (See These views will no doubt be developed
35410vol. i. Essay %-iii. p. 511, note '.) in his forthcoming work on Mesopota-
354117 On the height of the wall see note ^ mia. See Note B at the end of this
35412on Book i. ch. 178. : Essay.
35413^ This is declared to have been the j '" See vol. i. Essay viii. p. .528.
35414case by Q. Curtius (v, i. § 27). It has i
p. 569
35415Essay IV.
35416PRESENT STATE OF THE liUINS.
35417571
35418by the merest conjecture. The earliest of the Mesopotamian
35419explorers ' imagmed that it included within it the Birs Nimrud,
35420which is six miles from the Euphrates ; but the inscriptions
35421of Nebuchadnezzar
35422make it certain that [a]
35423this vast ruin marks
35424tlie site of a distinct
35425town.-
35426-i. The only ruins
35427wliich can be confi-
35428dently assigned to the
35429ancient Babylon are
35430the group of mounds
35431upon the Euphrates,
35432a little above HUlaJi,
35433which cover a space
35434about three rnileslono-
35435and from one to two
35436miles broad, and are
35437almost entirely in-
35438closed within an
35439iiTegular triangle,
35440formed by two long
35441lines of rampart (gg
35442in the plan) and the
35443river. These ruins
35444are generally said to
35445consist of three great
35446masses of brickwork,
35447ihe northernmost of
35448which (Rich's Miijel-
35449liheli) is known to the
35450Arabs as Babil (a in
35451the plan), the central
35452as the Kaiir or Palace
35453''b), and the southern-
35454.nost (c) as the mound
354553f Amrdm. Besides these principal buildings there are various
35456lesser ruins, among which the most remarkable are two long
35457Present state of tbe Ruins of Babylon.
35458Babil, or Temple of Behis.
35459Kasr, or Palace. i Parts of Nebuchadnezzar's
35460Jlound of Amram. \ Palace.
35461Palace of Xeriglissar.
35462Embankment of Xabunit (the eastern faintly marked).
35463Ancient Emljankments of Reservoir.
35464Parthian Earthwork.
35465Homeira.
35466' Eich, Second Memoir, pp. 31-2 ;
35467Ker Porter, vol. ii. p. 382.
35468- il. Oppert admits that tlie IJirs
35469Niiarikl marks the site of the aucieiit
35470VOL. II.
35471Borsippa, but he supposes this place to
35472have been a sort of second citadel (Acro-
35473polis minor) to Babylon, and to have lain
35474between the outer and the inner walls
354752 Q
p. 570
35476572 THEIR POSITION, App. Book III.
35477parallel lines of rampart (ff) having a direction nearly north and
35478south, which shut in the central and southern ruins on the east,
35479and a similar single line (h), running from east to west, which
35480bounds the central mass of ruins (the Kasr) towards the north.
35481Less noticeable, but still of some visible importance, are some
35482ruins on each side of the Euphrates (dd in the plan) parallel
35483with the mound of Amram, and an embankment along the river
35484(e) nearly in the same locality. There are also two shorter lines
35485of low mounds (l l) to the west of the principal ruins, with a
35486space between them, from which extends both northwards and
35487southwards a depression of the soil which looks like an ancient
35488river-bed, and which is only interrupted seriously at one point
35489(k) by an irregular mass of rubbish nearly filling up the channel.
35490Beyond the ruins thus described, towards Hillah on the south
35491and towards Mohmvill on the north, are low heaps and embank-
35492ments scattered irregularly over the plain. On the western side
35493of the river, besides the ruin already mentioned (d), there are a
35494number of lesser mounds ; and both here and towards the east
35495the ground is everywhere covered with fragments of brick and
35496with nitre, the siire marks of former buildings.'^
354975. The difficulty which immediately strikes the observer, who,
35498acquainted with the descriptions of Babylon given by the ancient
35499Avriters,^ casts his eye over the mass of ruins above described, is
35500their position, almost without exception, on the left bank of the
35501river. The ancients unanimously declare that the Euphrates
35502flowed through Babylon ; and that the most important buildings
35503were placed on the opposite sides of the stream.^ The Temple
35504of Belus and the Royal Palace — the two chief edifices — are said
35505to have been separated by the river, each forming a stronghold
35506or fortress in its own division of the town. Now although it
35507must be granted that the Euphrates, having a general tendenc}'
35508to run off to the westward/' has done much to obliterate the
355093 The particulars of this account are
35510chiefly taken from Rich (First Memoir),
35511Ker Porter (vol. ii. pp. 337-380), and
35512Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, pj). 49i)-
355132), corrected from the personal recol-
35514lections of Sir H. Rawlinson and Dr.
35515Hyslop, the latter of whom was engaged
35516with Captain Jones in the recent sur-
35517veys. Reference has also been made
35518to the letters of M. Fresnel in the
35519* Besides the description of our au-
35520thor (i. 178-183), the most important
35521are those of Diodorus (ii. 7, et seqq.),
35522which is probably derived from Ctesias.
35523and of Berosus, as reported by Josephus
35524(Ant. Jud. X. 11). This last seems to
35525have been derived by Berosus directly
35526from Nebuchadnezzar's monuments,
35527and, if it were less corrupt, would be
35528invaluable.
35529Journal Asiittiqne for June and July, i ^ Herod, i. 181. Diod. Sie.ii. 8. Strab.
3553018.53, and to the general description of | xvi. § .5, p, 1049. Plin. H. N. vi. 26, &e.
35531Mr. Loftus (Chaldica, ch. ii.). , ^ Layard, Nin. and Bab. p. 493.
p. 571
35532Essay IV. ON THE LEFT BANK OF THE EUPHRATES. 573
35533ruins which originally stood upon the right bank, yet it can
35534scarcely be thought that this cause is vsufficient to account for the
35535entire disajjpearance of a building so vast as both these are said
35536to have been. We ought to find traces both of the palace and
35537of the temple, and they ought to be separated either by the
35538main stream of the Euphrates or at least by a branch from it —
35539which is certainly not the case at present with any of the im-
35540portant ruins. The suggestion that the Birs-Nimrud represented
35541the old temple of Belus, though it is distant eight or nine miles
35542from the true Babylon, originated in the supposed necessity of
35543finding one or other of the two great buildings among the ruins
35544still existing to the west of the stream. The Birs is the only ruin
35545of any magnitude on the right bank at present, and the vast
35546dimensions ascribed to Babylon by the ancients would allow of its
35547being included within the ancient enceinte.'^ The identification,
35548however, of the Birs with Borsippa — a town quite distinct from
35549Babylon,^ which is rendered certain by the monuments^ — entirely
35550disposes of this theory ; and we are left to the alternative of
35551supposing that one or other of the two buildings has perished, or
35552of finding the remains of both in the ruins on the east or left
35553bank. It is the opinion of those best qualified to judge that in
35554the great northern mound, which the Arabs call Babil, may be
35555recognised the ancient tem^jle of Belus ^" or Bel-Merodach ; while
35556the central and northern mounds, known as the Kasr and the
35557mound of Amrdm, mark together the site of the royal residence,'
35558including both the old palace {ATYirdni) and that more modern
35559erection (the Kasr), which was not improperly called by Nebu-
35560chadnezzar Taprati-nisi, ''the Wonder of Mankind." -
355616. With respect to the difiiculty which arises from the position
35562of both these two ruins on the left bank, it may be observed
35563that a large canal, called by Nebuchadnezzar " the iShebil" is
35564said by him to have bounded his palace on the north ; and that
35565this canal, which may either have run east in the line assigned
35566it in the accompanying plan, or have left the Euphrates higher
35567up and have been carried in a south-east direction to the head
35568■^ This was strongly urged by Rich ^ See the inscription upon the Birs
35569(Second Memoir^ p. 3J) and Ker Porter i Cylinder, infra, p. 584, and compare
35570(vol. ii. p. 383), who were the first to
35571propose the identification of the Birs
35572with the Temple of Belus. It is echoed
35573by Niebuhr (1. s. c), and Fresnel
35574(Journ. Asiatique, Juillet, 1853, p. 24).
355758 See Beros. Fr. 1 4, p. 508 ; Strab.
35576xvi. p. 1050 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc, &c.
35577(
35578the abstract of the Standard Inscription
35579in note A at the end of this Essay.
35580'" Supra, vol. i. p. 321, note *.
35581' See note ' to Book i. ch. 181.
35582* In the Standard Inscription, infra,
35583p. 585.
355842 g
p. 572
35585574
35586MOUND OF BAML,
35587Arp. Book 111.
35588TEMPLE OF BELUS
35589NERIGLISSAR
35590of the great reservoir, must most certainly have intervened
35591between the palace and the temple, and may therefore be the
35592watercourse which Herodotus regarded as the true river. It was
35593not, however, the only or
35594M even the main watercourse
35595which intersected Babylon.
35596Nebuchadnezzar speaks of
35597the " River of Sippara " ^
35598as the western boundary of
35599his palace, intending by this
35600the natural course of the
35601Euphrates ; which seems to
35602have passed through the
35603ruins a little to the east of the
35604present channel, and to have
35605again united with it about
35606halfway between the ruins
35607and Hillah. The present
35608course of the stream is of
35609comparatively recent date ;
35610it passes through the palace
35611of Neriglissar, which was
35612built entirely upon the right
35613bank, and has washed into
35614an embankment by which
35615Nabonidus appears to have
35616checked its tendency to run
35617off to the west.
356187. The mound of Babll,
35619which it is proposed to iden-
35620tify with the temple of Belu s,
35621is an oblong mass composed
35622chiefly of unbaked brick,
35623rising from the plain to the height of 140 feet,"* and having at
35624the top a broad flat space, broken Avith heaps of rubbish, and
35625otherwise very uneven. The northern and southern faces of
35626Portions of Ancient Babylon distinguishable in the
35627^ present Ruins.
35628' Standard Inscription, 1. s. c. Sip-
35629para was situated on both sides of the
35630river (whence the dual form Sepharvi(/»i)
35631about the site of the modern Mosaih.
35632The Euphrates below this point was
35633known to the Babylonians as the " river
35634of Sippara;" just as in Arabian times,
35635when Sippara had become Sura, it was
35636known as the Nahr-Snra. ■
35637•* This is Mr. Rich's estimate (Fii-st
35638Memoir, p. 28), but as he over-esti-
35639mates the height of the Bits by nearly
35640one-thii'd, no great dependence can be
35641placed upon it.
p. 573
35642Essay IV
35643THE TEMPLE OF BELUS.
35644575
35645the mound are about 200 yards in length,^ the eastern and
35646western are respectively 182 and 1'36 yards." All the faces,
35647and especially that which looks to the west, present at intervals
35648some appearance of brickwork, the bricks being sun-dried,
35649and cemented, not with bitumen, but with mud, a thin layer of
35650reeds occurrins; between each course of the brick." Tunnels
35651driven into the base of the mound on a level with the plain,
35652show that the structure was formerly coated with a wall of burnt-
35653view of Babil Irom the West.
35654brick masonry, supported by numerous piers and buttresses of
35655the same material.- These baked bricks, as well as most of
35656those which are found loose among the rubbish wherever it is
35657dug into, bear the name of Nebuchadnezzar, and were laid in a
35658fine Avhite mortar.
356598. The general character of this building, its square shape,
35660its solid construction, its isolated grandeur, mark it as the
35661ziggurat or tower of a Babylonian temple. It closely resembles
356625 The exact measurements given by
35663Mr. Rich are, for the north face 200
35664yards, and for the south 219 (First
35665Memoir, p. 28). Sir R. Ker Porter
35666makes them respectively 5.51 and 552
35667feet (ii. p. 340).
35668^ Sir R. K. Porter makes these two
35669sides of equal length, and gives them
35670only 230 feet (1. s. c).
35671^ Rich, First Memoir, p. 29. Sir H.
35672Rawlinson regards this brick-work as
35673Parthian. (See note " on Book i. ch.
35674179.)
35675^ Mr. Layard drove these tunnels,
35676and has related the results in his
35677" Nineveh and Babylon," pp. 503-5.
p. 574
35678576 CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN RUINS. App. Book IIT.
35679in general appearance the many striking piles which break the
35680dead level of Babylonia, in some of which inscriptions have been
35681found proving them to be temples, as at the Birs-i-Nimrud and
35682at Muglicir.^ To the latter of these two edifices it bears a striking
35683resemblance. The Muglmr temple is not square but oblong,
35684and its proportions are almost the same as those of the Bahil
35685mound. ^ It is also, like that, cased with kiln-baked bricks, and
35686supported by a number of shallow buttresses. The only remark-
35687able differences between the buildings are the greater size of the
35688Babylon temple, and the absence from it of any indication of a
35689second stage, which is a marked feature of the Mugheir ruin.
35690It would be rash, however, to conclude fi'om the non-appearance
35691of any second stage at present, that no upper stage or stages
35692ever existed. It is to the accidental use of an imperishable
35693material— blue slag — at the summit of the Birs, that the soli-
35694tary preservation of that one Baljylonian building in almost its
35695pristine perfection is owing. In the absence of such a protecting
35696cap, the upper stages of a temple would rapidly decay and dis-
35697appear; and hence we find in all Babylonia but a single temple
35698preserving the pyramidal shape, which (it is probable) was
35699common to all or almost all of them originally.
35700On the whole we may conclude, with tolerable confidence,
35701that in the great northern mound of Babylon we have the
35702remains of that famous temple, which Herodotus describes so
35703graphically, and which ancient Avriters generally declare to have
35704been one of the chief marvels of the Eastern world. Its bricks
35705bear the name of Nebuchadnezzar,- who relates that he thoroughly
35706repaired the building f and it is the only ruin which seems to
35707be that of a temple, among all the remains of ancient Babylon.
357089. In the vast and irregular labyrinth of mounds, which, com-
35709mencing about a mile south of the Babil ruin, extends thence
35710with little interruption for nearly two miles parallel with the
35711' See Mr. Loftus's " Chaldsea and of the Lahil mound to have been an
35712Susiana," pp. 28-30, and 130-2. exact square. He seems to make the
35713' Mr. Loftns (p. 128) gives the length j south side at present nearly 200 metres,
35714of the Mugheir Temple as 198 feet, and i the west 170, the east 155, and the north
35715the breadth as 133 feet, which is within \ 120 metres. The south side he repre-
35716a fraction of 3 to 2. If we take Mr. I sents as almost perfect, while the north
35717Rich's measurement of the ircst face as I and west are gi-eatly worn away,
35718the true one, we have almost exactly ' * Layard, p. 505.
35719the same proportion (200 to 136). The : ^ In the Standard Inscription (see
35720chief difference is in the superior size
35721of the Babel mound, which is measured
35722by yards instead of feet.
35723M Oppert believes the original shape
35724note A. at the end of this Essay). Com-
35725pare Berosus as quoted in vol. i. (Essay
35726viii. p. 513, note ^).
p. 575
35727Essay IV.
35728THE MOUND OF AMRAM.
35729577
35730river, having an average widtli — between a line of rampart on
35731the east and the old course of the Euphrates on the west —
35732of twelve or thirteen hundred yards, it is probable that we have
35733merely the remains of that group of royal residences, towers,
35734hanging gardens, &c., which formed what was called • ' the
35735palace,"'* and which are commemorated in the fragments of
35736Berosus,^ and the standard inscription of Nebuchadnezzar/ In
35737the great southern ruin, known as the mound of Amrdm (c),
35738which is llOU yards in length and 800 in its greatest breadth,"
35739we may recognise the remains of the ancient palace, coeval
35740probably with Babylon itself, which continued to be the royal
35741residence to the time of Nabopolassar. This is the only part of
35742\'ie\v of tlic I'iaoi".
35743the ruins in which inscriptions belonging to early kings have
35744been found ; a fact which, coupled with the comparative poor-
35745^ Herod, i. 181.
357465 Fr. 14. See vol. i. p. 512, note 7.
35747" See note A. at the end of tlie Essay,
35748' Rich, First Memoir, p. 21. Ker
35749Porter describes the mound of Amram
35750as a triangle, the sides of which are
35751respectively 1400, 1100, and 850 feet
35752(ii. p. 371). M. Oppert agrees nearly
35753with this view. He represents the
35754mound as triangular, and the sides as
35755proportioned thus — the western H.'iO
35756metres, the eastei-n 540, and the north-
35757ern 420 meti'es.
p. 576
35758578
35759THE KASR.
35760App. Book III.
35761ness of the materials employed, and the entire absence from the
35762structure (so far as appears) of all fine masonry,^ sufficiently
35763indicates the superior antiquity of its erection. The more
35764northern mound (b), now called Mujellibeh, and crowned by the
35765building named the Kasr, is undoubtedly a construction of
35766Nebuchadnezzar, and may be almost certainly identified with
35767the "new palace adjoining his father's," which is ascribed to
35768him, and which he claims to have erected \n fifteen dai/s.-' This
35769mound is smaller than that of Amram, being an irregular square
35770of about 700 yards each way ;^ but it appears to have been
35771"composed of buildings far superior to all the rest which have
35772left traces in this quarter,"^ and it has furnished the only sculp-
35773tures and bas-reliefs which have as yet beeu discovered among
35774the ruins."* The remarkable fragment on its summit, called the
35775Kasr, is a solid mass of masonry, composed of pale yellow bricks
35776of excellent quality, bound together by fine lime cement, and
35777stamped in almost every instance with the name and titles of
35778Nebuchadnezzar.* Slabs inscribed by this king, and containing
357798 Layard, p. 509. Ker Porter, ii.
35780pp. 371-2, M. Oppert sees in the mound
35781of Amram the remains of the famous
35782"hanging-gardens" of Nebuchadnezzar.
357839 See the Standard Inscrijjtion, and
35784compare Beros. Fr. 14 : T^oincaTS(rxiva.trs
35785Tols 'Jfa.T^ix.oii (ixtriAZioii iripa fiaa'iXliec
35786i'^of/.tva. avTuv, civ ri fiiv avsc<rT'/iiu.u x.a.i t'/iv
35787Xoi'Trhy ToAorlXiiav 'jri^Mffr^v i<tu: av sr/i
35788Xiyiif, tX/iv ii; ovra fiiyaXa zai uTtpviipava
35789iruviTiXi(r6^ ri//.i^a.i; TiMTucaioiKa. Many
35790slabs broiight by Sir H. Rawliiison from
35791the Kasr, bear the inscription, " the
35792palace of Nebuchadnezzar." One of
35793these is in the British Museum.
35794Rich, First Memoir, p.
35795Ker
35796Porter calls the length of the mound
35797800, and the breadth 600 feet (ii. p.
35798355). M. Oppert believes it to have
35799been a square, but makes the length of
35800the present mound from N. to S. 420
35801metres, the greatest breadth 380 meti'es,
35802and the average breadth 300 metres.
35803- Rich^ 1. 8. 0.
35804^ The most remai'kable of these are
35805a " block of basalt, roughly cut to
35806repi'esent a lion standing over a pros-
35807trate human figure," which is still
35808lying in situ (Loftus, p. 19), and a
35809fragment of slab or frieze, comj)osed
35810of figures nearly alike, representing a
35811Babylonian deity (Layard, p. 508).
35812" Layard, p. 506. Fragments of en-
35813amelled bricks, brightly coloured, are
35814abundant in the mound oi t\ie Mujcllihch.
35815"The principal colours are a brilliant
35816blue, red, a deep yellow, white, and
35817black." (Layard, p. 507.) Portions
p. 577
35818Essay IV.
35819THE ^YESTEHN PALACE.
35820579
35821an account of the building of the palace, have also been brought
35822from the mound, and serve still further to identify it.
3582310. The two long parallel lines of rampart (fi), a mile in
35824length, and somewhat more than 100 yards apart,^ which shut
35825in this entire mass of ruins upon the east, are (like the great
35826bulk of the remains) of ancient Babylonian construction, and
35827may either represent the "outer and inner walls" of the
35828palace/' or (more probably) the embankments along "the
35829Yapur-Shapu, the great reservoir of Babylon," which some one
35830of the early kings seems to have built, but which Nebuchad-
35831nezzar greatly strengthened and enlarged." The single line of
35832rampart (h) which closes in the mound of the Kasr upon the
35833north, is perhaps a construction of Neriglissar, who affirms that
35834he " made a new bed for the eastern canal (or /Shebil), and with
35835brick and mortar built up its sides.^'
3583611. Parallel with the mound of Amrdm, on either side of the
35837present bed of the Euphrates, are remains (d d), which appear
35838to have belonged to a second palace, situated on the right bank
35839of the stream.^ On the bricks of that portion of the building
35840which is now on the left bank, the name and titles of Neriorlissar
35841have been found ; from which it appears that he either originally
35842constructed, or at least repaired the edifice. Near to this palace,
35843a little more to the south, the Euphrates has washed into
35844an embankment (e), the bricks of which are stamped with the
35845name and titles of Nabunit, who is stated by Berosus ^ to have
35846built quays along the stream.
3584712. The triangular boundary (gg), which forms the extreme
35848eastern limit of the great mass of the ruins, does not appear to
35849be a Babylonian, but a Parthian work ; and it may therefore
35850be omitted altogether from the present discussion. As has
35851been already observed, no traces of the ancient enceinte exist ;
35852or at least, among the innumerable embankments which fret
35853the country both to the east and to the west of the Euphrates,
35854of the figures of men and animals are
35855traceable on the fragments. It is pro-
35856bable that these bricks foi'med the
35857adomment of the interior, where hunt-
35858ing scenes were represented. (See the
35859Letter of M. Fresnel in the Journal
35860Asiatique for June, 1853, pp. 486-490,
35861and comp. Diod. Sic. ii. 8.)
35862'" Rich, First Memoir, p. 19. Sir H.
35863Eawlinson estimated the distance at
35864about 7(t yards.
35865^ See note A., sub fin.
35866' Ibid.
358678 Diodorus, it may be remarked,
35868spoke of two palaces, one on either side
35869of the river, and connected by a bridge
35870(ii. 8). I have already observed tliat
35871the river flowed formerly down the
35872long valley which skirts the MnjcUiheli
35873and Amn'tin mounds on the west. Can
35874the curious heap (K on the plan) be a
35875remnant of the ancient bridge ?
35876^ Fr. 14. The passage is given in
35877the first volume, ji. -y'lX. note '.
p. 578
35878580 BIRS-NIMRUD— PEESENT APPEARANCE, App. Book 111.
35879none has been as yet discovered with claims superior to the
35880remainder.
3588113. Before concluding this Essay, it seems proper that some
35882account should be given of the great rnin Avhich has long dis-
35883puted with Bahil the honour of representing the Temple of
35884Belus, and which a few years back was very completely ex-
35885plored by Sir H. Rawlinson.
35886At the distance of about six miles from Hillah, in a south-
35887west direction, and eight or nine miles from the nearest point
35888of the ruins above described, stands the huge p3a-amidical
35889mound, to which the Arabs give the name of Birs-Nimrud, a
35890solitary pile rising suddenly from the vast expanse of the
35891desert. This mound, like that of Bahil, is an oblong square.
35892Its angles face the four cardinal points.' The north-western
35893and south-eastern faces, which are the largest, have been esti-
35894mated to measure 643 feet ; the north-eastern 420, and the
35895south-western 376 feet.- The height above the plain is about
35896153 feet.^ The ruin consists of two parts — a huge pyramidical
35897mass towards the south-west, and a comparatively low projection
35898towards the opposite quarter. The length of this latter is said
35899to be 240 feet." Thus apart from this projection, which clearly
35900marks the vestibule or approach to the temple, the main build-
35901ing may be described as a j)yramid 153 feet high, and 400 feet
35902square at the base.
35903To the ordinary observer the mound presents the appearance
35904rather of a natural hill, crowned by a ruin,'' than that of a struc-
35905ture built entirely by the hand of man. Thirty-seven feet of
35906solid brickwork, looking almost like a tower, stand exposed at
35907the top, while below this the original liuilding is almost entirely
35908concealed beneath the masses of rubbish which have crumbled
35909down from the upper portion. The whole structure, however, i>;
35910deeply channelled by the weather, and in places the original
35911brickwork aj)pears, sufficiently revealing to a critical eye the
35912• Curiously enough both Rich and Is the mound oi Buhil really an excej)-
35913Porter speak of the sides as facing the tion to the ordinary rule ?
35914cardinal points, instead of the angles ^ Ker Porter, ii. p. 321. Rich makes
35915(see Rich's First Memoir, p. 28 ; Ker \ the circumference 200 feet less than
35916Porter, ii. p. :'>10, &c.). It \va.s pro- : Porter (p. 36). He gives 7(32 yards
35917bably a fixed architectural law in Baby- (2286 feet), instead of Porter's 2082 feet.
35918Ionia to give temples this aspect. They \ ^ The exact measurement of Captain
35919have it, not only at the Bii's, but at , Jones with tlie theodolite is 153 ft. 6 in.
35920Warka and Mtujheir, and (I believe) ■ ■* Ker Porter, 1. s. c.
35921wherever their position has been cai'e- i = See the representati<in in vol. i.
35922fully examined (see Loftus, p. 171). p. 242.
p. 579
35923Essay TV.
35924MEASUREMENTS.
35925581
35926true character and plan of the building. Accordingly many
35927travellers, on a mere superficial view of the structure, caine to
35928the conclusion that it was originally built in stages," and that —
35929whether it were the remains of the Temple of Belus or no — at
35930any rate it closely resembled that building as described by
35931Herodotus. Sir R. Ker Porter" and Mr. Layard® even ventured
35932on I'estorations of the original design, which, although not
35933entirely in accordance with the reality, went near to anticipate
35934the conclusions which have now been established by a close
35935examination of the edifice.
3593614. It appears from the researches carried on by Sir H. Raw-
35937linson, in the year 1854, that the Birs-Nimrud, like the temple
35938of Belus described by our author, was a building in seven re-
35939ceding stages.' Upon a platform of crude brick, raised a few
35940feet above the level of the alluvial plain, was built of burnt
35941brick, the first or basement stage — an exact square, 272 feet
35942each way, and 26 feet in perpendicular height. Upon this stage
35943was erected a second, 230 feet each way, and likewise 26 feet
35944liigh ; which, however, was not placed exactly in the middle
35945of the first, but considerably nearer to the south-western end,
35946which constituted the back of the buildinor. The other stages
35947were arranged similarly — the third being 188 feet, and again 26
35948feet high ; the fourth 146 feet square, and 15 feet high; the
35949fifth 104 feet square, and the same height as the fourth ; the
35950" Rich, First Memoir, p. 54 ; Ker
35951Porter, ii. pp. :510, 322, &c. ; Layard,
35952p 497.
35953' Vol. ii. plate 71. Sir R. K. Porter
35954gave the building eight stages, the
35955basement stage being a square of 5(i0
35956feet. He supposed that only portions
35957of four stages remained, and that the
35958original height was also oCiO feet.
35959^ Mr. Layard gave the building six
35960stages, and suggested that while the
35961stages rose like steps on the eastern or
35962south-eastern (north-eastern ?) side, they
35963terminated on the western or north-
35964western (south-western?) in a "solid
35965perpeiidicnhir w'all" (Nin. and Bab. p.
35966498). The reality is half-way between
35967Sir R. Porter's and Mr. Layard's con-
35968ceptions.
35969' The accompanying restoration (see
35970overleaf) will illustrate this paragraph.
35971Its proportions are derived from the
35972measurements of Col. Rawlinson.
35973"^'
359743J^!t^L=i'<
35975XSqs
p. 580
35976582
35977ORIGINAL PLAN OF THE TEMrLE. App. Book III.
35978•o ts . —
35979s^
359801 O
35981d) 1
35982Cp
35983■i2^
35984■^i
35985!» "
35986r- C
35987E.2
35988X
35989cc >
35990C;
35991.sa
35992-.r. ■i ^s.
35993O GJ tfi ^
35994= 2 I
35995I ^7 g
35996K ^ *J X -^
35997^ —
35998^ c •-.!:< 5 ^
35999<C0OOuJu.OX
p. 581
36000Essay IV. PLANETARY ORNAMENTATION. 583
36001sixth 62 feet square, and again the same height ; and the
36002seventh 20 feet square and once more the same height. On the
36003seventh stage there was probably placed the ark or tabernacle,
36004which seems to have been agrain 15 feet hiijh, and must have
36005nearly, if not entirely, covered the top of the seventh story.
36006The entire original height, allowing three feet for the platform,
36007would thus have been 156 feet, or, without the platform, 153
36008feet. The whole formed a sort of oblique pyramid, the gentler
36009slope facing the N.E., and the steeper incline the S.W. On the
36010N.E. side was the grand entrance, and here stood the vestibule,
36011a separate building, the debris from which having joined those
36012from the temple itself, fill up the intermediate space, and very
36013remarkably prolong the mound in this direction.
3601415. The ornamentation of the building was almost solely by
36015colour. The seven stages were coloured so as to represent the
36016seven planetary spheres,^ according to the tints regarded by the
36017Sabseans as appropriate to the seven luminaries — the basement
36018stage being black, the hue assigned to Saturn ; the next an
36019orange, or raw-sienna tint,^ the hue of Jupiter ; the third a
36020bright red, the hue of Mars ; the fourth golden, the hue of the
36021Sun ; the fifth a pale yellow, the hue of Venus ; the sixth dark
36022blue, the hue of Mercury ; and the seventh silver, the hue of the
36023Moon. The tint in the first instance was given by a coating of
36024bitumen over the face of burnt bricks ; in the second and fifth,
36025by the natural hue of the burnt bricks themselves ; in the third,
36026by the use of half-burnt bricks of a bright red clay ; in the sixth
36027by vitrifaction, after the stage was erected, of the bricks com-
36028posing it, through the force of an intense heat, whereby they
36029were converted into a mass of blue slag ; and in the fourth and
36030seventh, probably by plates of the precious metals forming an
36031external casing to the brickwork.'' Along the third stage,
36032which was of a weaker material than the rest, the flatness of the
36033« See note * to Book i. ch. 98.
360343 Herodotus expresses this tiut by
36035the word (ravl-^pa.x.i]ioM, which is generally
36036explained as the colour of the red sul-
36037phuret of arsenic, called by the Greeks
36038crav}cipdx.n; but is thought by some to
36039be really the colour of "sandal-wood,"
36040Sandidi (which has that meaning) being
36041the term commonly applied to the
36042sun and moon were represented at
36043Agbatana (i. 98, ad fin.). It has already
36044been shown (note ad loc.) that such a
36045lavish disj)lay of the precious metals
36046was in accordiuoe with Eastei-n habits.
36047At the Dirs the fourth or golden stage
36048presents an appearance as if the face
36049of the wall had been entirely broken
36050away by blows from a pickaxe. Nebu-
36051sphere in tlie astrology of the East. ; chaduezzar, in descinbing his temples
36052■* This, it must be remembered, is j and palaces, often speaks of them as
36053the account given by Herodotus of the 1 "clothed with gold."
36054manner in which the spheres of the |
p. 582
36055584 THE BIRS BUILT BY XEBUCHADXEZZAR. app. Took III.
36056wall was broken by a row of buttresses, not placed there how-
36057ever for the purpose of ornamentation, but merely to give
36058additional strength. This stage too was not, like the rest,
36059entirely perpendicular, but had an abutment at the base, and a
36060species of plinth formed by three rows of bricks laid on their
36061edsfes between single horizontal rows. The entire mass of
36062brickwork was also pierced throughout by a rhomboidal series of
36063small square holes, which served to keep the structure dry, by
36064admitting air, and also by carrying off any moisture that might
36065penetrate into it.
3606616. Such were the most striking features of the great Temple
36067of Borsippa, which was designed and named after the " Seven
36068Spheres," but was especially dedicated to Nebo or Mercury,
36069whose tabernacle probably occupied its summit. It was not
36070perhaps originally superior to hundreds of temples in Baby-
36071lonia ; but it has escaped, far more than any other, the ravages
36072of time, and thus is the ruin to which we are chiefly indebted for
36073our knowledge of the plan and character of the Babylonian
36074sacred buildings. The date of the original structure is uncer-
36075tain, but is probably very ancient. In its present form the
36076Birs is chiefly the work of Nebuchadnezzar, whose name
36077appears exclusively upon the bricks composing it, and the
36078cylinders deposited at its angles.^ The following is the ac-
36079count which the roval restorer skives of his careful renovation of
36080the edifice : —
36081"Behold now the building named 'the Stages of the Seven
36082Spheres,' which was the wonder of Borsippa, had been built by
36083a former king. He had completed forty-two ammas (of the
36084height), but he did not finish its head. From the lapse of time
36085it had become ruined ; they had not taken care of the exits of
36086the waters, so the rain and wet had penetrated into the brick-
36087work ; the casing of burnt bricks had bulged out, and the ter-
36088races of crude brick lay scattered in heaps ; (then) Merodach,
36089my great lord, inclined my heart to repair the building. I did
36090not change its site, nor did I destroy its foundation platform ;
36091but in a fortunate month, and on an auspicious day, I imder-
36092took the rebuilding of the crude brick terraces, and the burnt
36093brick casing (of the temple). I strengthened its foundation,
36094* Sir H. Rawliuson discovered two of ments of another, the inscription upon
36095these at the eastern and southern angles i which was different. There are pro-
36096of the third jstage. They were diipli- bably many eylinder.s still in the
36097cates. He also found a -few small frag- building.
p. 583
36098Essay IV. INSCRIPTION OF NEBUCHADNEZZAR. 585
36099and I placed a titular record in the part that I had rebuilt. I
36100set my hand to build it up and to finish its summit. As it had
36101been in ancient times, so I built up its structure ; as it had been
36102in former days, thus I exalted its head. Nebo, the strengthener
36103of his children, he who ministers to the Gods (?), and Merodach,
36104the supporter of sovereignty, may they cause my work to be
36105established for ever ! May it last through the seven ages !
36106May the stability of my throne and the antiquity of my empire,
36107secure against strangers and triumphant over many foes, con-
36108tinue to the end of time ! "
36109NOTE A.
36110STANDARD INSCKll'TlOX 0¥ NEBUCHADNEZZAR.
36111The Inscription begins with the various titles of Nebuchadnezzar. It then
36112contains prayers and invocations to the Gods, Merodach and Nebo. The extent
36113of N.'s power is spoken of — it reaches from one sea to the other.
36114An account is then given of the wonders of Babylon, viz. : —
361151. The great temple of Merodach. (The mound of JJahil is the tower or
36116ziggttrat of this.)
361172. The Borsippa temple (or Birs).
361183. Various other temples in Babylon aud Borsippa.
36119The subjoined description of the city follows : —
36120" The double enclosure which Nabopolassar my father had made but not
36121completed, I finisbed. Nabopolassar made its ditch. With two long embank-
36122ments of brick and mortar he bound its bed. He made the embankment of
36123the AraJcha. He lined the otlier side of the Euplirates v.-ith brick. He made
36124a bridge (?) over the Euphrates, but did not finish its buttresses (?). From
36125* * * (the name of a place) he made with bricks burnt as hard as stones, by
36126tlie lielp of the great Lord Merodach, a way (for) a branch of the Shimat to
36127the waters of the Yapur-Shaiju, the great reservoir of Babylon, opposite to
36128the gate of Nin.
36129" The Ingur-Bel and the Nimiti-Bel — the great double wall of Babylon —
36130I finished. With two long embankments of brick and mortar I built the
36131sides of its ditch. I joined it on witli that which my father had made. I
36132strengthened the city. Across the river to the west I built the wall of
36133Babylon with briclc. The Yapur-Shupn — the reservoir of Babylon — by the
36134grace of Merodach, I filled completely full of water. AVith bricks burnt as
36135hard as stones, and with bricks in huge masses like mountains (?), the Yapur-
36136ShapjiL, from the gate of Mula as far as Nana, who is the protectress of her
p. 584
36137586 STANDARD INSCRIPTION. App. Book III.
36138votaries, by the grace of his goclship {i. e. Merodach), I strengthened. "With
36139that which my father had made I joined it. I made the way of Nana, the pro-
36140tectress of her votaries. The great gates of the Tnrjur-Bd and the Nimiti-Bel —
36141the reservoir of Babylon, at the time of the flood (lit. of fulness), immdated
36142them. These gates I raised. Against the waters their foundations with
36143brick and mortar I built. [Here follows a description of the gates, with various
36144architectural details, and an account of the decorations, hangings, &c.] For
36145the delight of mankind I filled the reservoir. Behold ! besides the Ingur-BeJ,
36146the impregnable fortification of Babylon, I constructed inside Babylon on the
36147eastern side of the river a fortification such as no king had ever made before
36148me, viz. a long rampart, 4000 ammas square, as an extra defence. I exca-
36149vated the ditch : with brick and mortar I bound its bed ; a long rampart at
36150its head (?) I strongly built. I adorned its gates. The folding-doors and
36151the pillars I plated with copper. Against presumptuous enemies, who were
36152hostile to the men of Babylon, great waters, like the waters of the ocean, I
36153made use of abundantly. Their depths were like the depths of the vast ocean.
36154I did not allow the waters to overflow, but the fulness of their floods I caused
36155to flow on, restraining them with a brick embankment. . . . Thus I com-
36156pletely made strong the defences of Babylon. May it last for ever !
36157[Here follows a similar account of works at Borsippa.]
36158" In Babylon — the city which is the delight of my eyes, and which I have
36159glorified — when the waters were in flood, they inundated the foundations of
36160the great palace called Taprati-nisi, or " the Wonder of Mankind ;" (a i^alace)
36161with many chambers and lofty towers ; the high-place of Royalty ; (situated)
36162in the land of Babylon, and in the middle of Babylon ; stretching from the
36163Ingur-Bd to the bed of the Shehil, the eastern canal, (and) from the bank of
36164the Sippara river to the water of the Tapur-Shajni ; which Nabopolassar my
36165father built with brick and raised up ; when the reservoir of Babylon was
36166full, the gates of this palace were flooded. I raised the mound of brick on
36167which it was built, and made smooth its platfonn. I cut oft' the floods of the
36168water, and the foundations (of the palace) I protected against the water with
36169bricks and mortar ; and I finished it completely. Long beams I set up to
36170support it : with pillars and beams plated with copper and strengthened with
36171iron 1 built up its gates. Silver and gold, and precious stones whose names
36172were almost unknown [Here follow several unknown names of objects, trea-
36173sures of the palace], I stored up inside, and placed there the treasure-house of
36174my kingdom. Four years (.?), the seat of my kingdom in the city . . . .,
36175which did not rejoice (my) heart. In all my dominions I did not
36176build a high place of power ; the precious treasures of my kingdom I did not
36177lay up. In Babylon, buildings for myself and the honour of my kingdom I
36178did not lay out. In the worship of Merodach my lord, the joy of my
36179heart (?), in Babylon, the citj^ of his sovereignty and the seat of my empire,
36180I did not sing his praises (.?), and I did not furnish his altars (i.e. with
36181victims), nor did I clear out the canals, [Here follow further negative
36182clauses, j
36183" As a fui'ther defence in war, at the Ingur-Bd, the impregnable outer wall,
36184the rampart of the Babylonians — with two strong lines of brick and mortar
36185I made a strong fort, 400 ammas square, inside the Nimiti-Bel, the inner
36186defence of the Babylonians. Masonry of brick within them (the lints) I coii-
36187structed. With the palace of my father I connected it. In a happy month
p. 585
36188Essay IV. BABYLONIAN RESEAECHES OF M. OPPEET. 587
36189and on an auspicious day its foundations I laid in the earth like * * * I com-
36190pletely finished its top. In fifteen days I completed it, and made it the high
36191place of my kingdom. [Here follows a description of the ornamentation of the
36192palace.] A strong fort of brick and mortar in strength I constructed. Inside
36193the brick fortification another great fortification of long stones, of the size of
36194great mountains, I made. Like Shedim I raised up its head. And this
36195building I raised for a wonder ; for the defence of the peojile I constructed it."
36196NOTE B.
36197BABYLONIAN RESEARCHES OF M. OPPERT.
36198Since this Essay was in type I have enjoyed the advantage of examining
36199three livraisonR of Plates belonging to the magnificent work which will shortly
36200be published by M. Oppert, on the subject of the French expedition into
36201Mesopotamia. As these plates are unaccompanied by any letter-press it is
36202impossible at present to be sure how far they are based upon accurate measure-
36203ments or observations. In some respects the views taken coincide remarkably
36204with those expressed in the foregoing Essay. This is especially the case as
36205regards the ancient course of the Euphrates, and the position of the lesser
36206palace (that of Neriglissar) upon the right bank of the stream. In other points
36207M. Oppert differs from all former observers, and is not confirmed by the notes
36208and recollections of recent visitants ; as in his omission of the two long parallel
36209embankments (ff in the plan, supra, page 571), whicli close in the chief ruins on
36210the east ; of the single embankment (h) towards the north ; and of the mound
36211(k) on the west, which interi'upts what seems to be the ancient bed of the river ;
36212and, again, in the extent and position which he assigns to the curious heap
36213called Hdmeira. Capt. Jones's surveys will decide whether these changes are
36214in accordance with the real features of the locality ; at present the judgment
36215is necessarily held in suspense between rival observers, whose accounts of the
36216ruins are in many respects so diflerent. With regard to M. Oppert's restora-
36217tions of the ancient city the most remarkable points have been already noticed
36218in the foot-notes. He believes that he has found traces of the ancient walls in
36219certain lines of Tels which exist on both sides of the Euphrates. If the posi-
36220tions of these mounds are accurately laid down on his map, which is fairlj^
36221represented by the subjoined chart, there would appear to be some grounds for
36222regarding the lesser circuit of 360 stades as really indicated by the remains in
36223question, though, upon the showing of the map itself, the larger circuit is
36224almost entirely unsupported. It is an additional objection to this circuit, as
36225placed by M. Oppert, that it includes Borsiilpa, Avhich the inscriprtions, the
36226native writer Berosus, and the classical geographers, all regard as a city quite
36227distinct from Babylon. The inclusion of Cutha in the opposite corner of the
36228square, marked (as M. Opi'ert supposes) by the ruins of Hymar, or Oheimir,
36229is still more impossible ; for Cutha was at least 15 miles from Hymar in a
36230north-easterly direction, being marked, not by the Hymar group, but by the
36231ruins at Ibrahim. In his restoratidu of the royal residence- — which has at
36232VOL. II. ^ R
p. 586
36233588
36234BABYLONIAN RESEARCHES
36235App. Book III.
36236cMOHAWIL
36237Chart of the Country round Babylon, with the limits of the ancient City, according to Oppert.
36238least the merit of boldness — M. Oppert appears to have discarded alike the
36239guidance of the inscriptions and that of the ancient writers. He takes no
36240notice of Nebuchadnezzar's " Great Reservoir," of hiis " Shehil," or " Eastern
36241Canal," nor of the " palace of his father," which adjoined his own ; he places
36242the lesser palace opposite, not to the greater one, as Ctesias did, but to the
36243hanging-gardens ; and he regards the hanging-gardens as represented by the
36244mound of Amrdin, though the latter has an area at least four times as great
36245as that ascribed by Diodonis to the former. He also fails to give in his restora-
36246tion at all a close representation of the present ruins, introducmg main walls,
36247as that between the river and Bubil, of wliich he does not profess to have
36248fonnd a trace ; placing the quay of Nabonidus above a mile higher up the
36249stream than the place where that mouarcli's bricks are found ; and turning
36250into a " middle wall " what cleai-ly appears, by the traces of water-action out-
36251side it, to have been the embankment of a canal or reservoir. He also, in
p. 587
36252Essay IV.
36253OF M. OPPERT.
36254589
36255assuming the oiiter triangular rampart to be a Babylonian woi-k restored by the
36256Parthians, goes beyond the existing data, since no Babylonian remains have (it
36257is believed) been found in that structure. On the other hand, M. Oppert's
36258surveys of particular ruins, as of the Kasr, Bahil, and the Birs-Niirmid, .ii-e
36259(ai^parently) much in advance of any hitherto published ; while his " Views "
36260are alike striking and original, greatly increasing the attractiveness of his
36261work.
36262i
36263Tho Ri.yal Residonoo at Babylon restored (after Oppert).
36264It '^
36265i
p. 588
36266590 THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION. App. Book 111.
36267NOTE C.
36268THK GREAT INSCRIPTION OF DARIUS AT BEHISTUN.
36269[Note. — Bebistuu is situated on the western froutier of the ancient Media, upon the
36270road from Babylon to the southern Ecbatana. the great thoroughfare between
36271the eastern and the western provinces of the ancient Persia. The precipitous
36272rock, 1700 feet high, on which the writing is inscribed, forms a portion of the
36273great chain of Zagros, which separates the high plateau of Iran from the vast
36274plain watered by the two streams of the Tigris and Euphrates. The inscription
36275is engraved at the height of 300 feet from the base of the rock, and can only
36276be reached with much exei'tion and difficulty. It is trilingual : one transcript
36277is in the ancient Persian, one in Babylonian, the other in a Scythic or Tatar
36278dialect. Col. Rawlinson gathers from the monument itself that it was executed
36279in the 5th year of the reign of Darius, B.C. 516. The subjoined is the Persian
36280transcript, as deciphered by Col. Rawlinson, Roman letters being substituted
36281for the original cuneiform. Col. Rawlinson's translation is also given. The
36282numbers are added for convenience of reference.]
36283Column I.
36284Par. 1. (1) Adam Darayavush, (2) khshayathiya vazarka, (3) khsha-
36285yathiya '^/(s7i%rtthiyanam, (4) klishayathiyaParsiya, (5) khsha-
36286yathiya dahya?/HrtH(, (6) Vishtaspahya putra, (7) Arshatnahya
36287napa, (8) HakhamanisAi^/o.^
36288(1) I (am) Darius, (2) the great king, (3) the king of kings,
36289(4) the king of Persia, (5) the king of the (dependent) provinces,
36290(6) the son of Hystaspes, (7) the grandson of Arsames, (8) the
36291Achfemenian.
36292Par. 2. (1) TVtdtiya Darayavush khshaj-athiya ; (2) Mana pita Vish-
36293taspa ; (3) Vishtaspahya pita Arshama ; (4) Arshamahya pita
36294Ariyaramana ; (5) Ariyaramana/?y« pita Chishpaish ; (6) * pita
36295Hakhamanish.
36296(1) Says Darius the king— (2) My father (was) Hystaspes ;
36297(3) the father of Hystaspes (was) Arsames ; (4) the father of
36298Arsames (was) Ariaramnes ; (5) the father of Ariaramnes (was)
36299Teispes ; (6) the father (of Teispes) was Acha^menes.
36300' The italics indicate that the original and its kindred languages,
36301is in such places illegible, and restored ^ Chishpaishahya is here omitted by
36302conjecturally. a mistake of the ai-tist employed to
36303- The accented A (a) is expressed in engi-ave the inscription. Cf. Detached
36304the original; the unaccented A (a), Inscriptions. No. 1, and Norris's Be-
36305unless at the beginning of words, is hist. Inscr. p. 95.
36306the supplied vowel of the Sanskrit,
p. 589
36307Col. 1. THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION. 591
36308Par. 3. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathfya ; (2) ^ra^yaradiya
36309vayam Hakhamanishiya tliahyamaliya ; (3) Hacha ])ruviyata
36310amdta, amahya ; (4) Hacha piaiviyata hya amakham taxxma
36311Minhai/athiyci aha.
36312(1) Says Darius the king — (2) On that account we have
36313been called Acheemenians ; (3) from antiquity we have de-
36314scended (?) ; (4) from antiquity our family have been kings.
36315Par. 4. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathij^a — (2) viii.'' mana
36316taumayrt ti/ir/a ^^iiiwama khshayathiya aha ; (3) adam navam ; (4)
36317IX. duvitataranam vayam Ms/ia3'athiya amahya.
36318(1) Says Darius the king— (2) (There are) eight of my race
36319who have been kings before (me) ; (3) I (am) the ninth ; nine
36320of us have been kings in a double line (?).
36321Par. 5. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Vasknci Aura-
36322mazdaha adam khshayathiya amiya ; (3) Auramazda khshatram
36323Tdd^ndfrdbara.
36324(1) Says Darius the king — (2) By the grace of Ormazd I am
36325king ; (3) Ormazd has granted me the empire.
36326Par. 6. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Ima dahyava
36327tya maHa paf^yaisha; (3) vashna Auramazdaha adamsham khsha-
36328yathi3'a aham ; (4) Parsa, '\]vaja, Babiixish, Athura, Arabaya,
36329Mudraya ; tyij^a darayahya ; Saparda, Ynnd, Mdda,^ ArmhiB., Kata-
36330patuka, Parthva, Zaraka, Hariva, 'Uvarazmij a, Bakhtar/sA, Sug-
36331uda, Gadara, Saka, Thatagush, Hara'uvatish, Maka ; (5) frahar-
36332vam dahyava xxiii.
36333(1) Says Darius the king — (2) These are the countiies
36334which have come to me ; (3) by the grace of Ormazd I have
36335become king of them ; (4) Persia, Susiana, Babylonia, Assyria,
36336Arabia, Egypt, those which are of the sea (/. e. the islands),
36337Saparda, Ionia, Media, Armenia, Cappadocia, Partliia, Zarangia,
36338Aria, Chorasraia, Bactria, Sogdiaua, Gandaria, the Sacee, Satta-
36339gydia, Arachotia, and Mecia ; (5) in all 23 provinces.
36340* Numbers in tlie Pers'.an inscriptions is marked by an arrow-head, thus, <.
36341are marked thus: — 1. From one to ten, ^ This is conjectural. There is room
36342a single perpendicular wedge for each for Mada (Media) between Ionia and
36343unit: these wedges are placed in two 1 Armenia; but the passage is illegible
36344rows, one above the other, the final unit ; both in the Persian and the Babylonian
36345(where the number is odd) being made ; trauscrij^it. Media (Jfat't-jKi) appears in
36346double the length of the others. 2. Ten the Scythiu version (Norri^-, p. 97).
p. 590
36347592 THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTJOX. App. Book 111.
36348Par. 7. (1) Thdtija Darayavusli khshayathiya — (2) Ima dabyava
36349tj'a mana Y)Sitiyaisha ; (3) vaslina Auramazdaha mana badaka
36350ahata ; (4) maua bajim abarata. (5) J^asbam bacbania atbabya
36351kbsbapava raiicbapativa, ava akanavayata.
36352(1) Says Darius tbe king — (2) Tbese (are) tbe provinces
36353whicb bave come to me ; (3) by tbe grace of Oi mazd tbey bave
36354become subject to me ; (4) tbey bave brougbt tribute to me.
36355(5) Tbat wbicb bas been said to tbem by me, botb by nigbt and
36356by day, it bas been done (by tbem).
36357Par. 8. (1) Thdfiya Darayavusb kbsbayatbiya — (2) Atara ima da-
36358byava, martiya bya agata® aha, avam 'ubartam abaram (3) Hya
36359arika^ aba, avam 'ufrastam aparasam. (4) Vashnd Auramazdaba
36360ima dabyava tyana mana data aprij^aya. (5) Yathasba'j/i A«cba-
36361ma atbabya, awatba akunavayata.
36362(1) Says Darius tbe king — (2) Witbin tbese countries tbe
36363man wbo was good, bim I have rigbt well cberisbed. (3) AYbo-
36364ever was evil, bim bave I utterly rooted out. (4) By tbe gi-ace
36365of Ormazd, tbese are tbe countries by whom ray laws bave been
36366observed. (5) As it bas been said to tbem by me, so (by tbem)
36367it bas been done.
36368Par. 9. (1) Tbdtiya Darayaviisb kbsbayatb?j/a — (2) ^uramazda mana
36369kbsbatram frabara. (3) Auramazdamaiya upastam abara, yata
36370ima kbsbatram ac/araya. (4) Vasbna Auramazdaba ima kbsba-
36371tram darayamiya.
36372(1) Says Darius tbe king — (2) Ormazd granted me tbe
36373empii-e. (3) Ormazd bruugbt belp to me, so tbat I gained tbis
36374empire. (4) By tbe grace of Ormazd I bold tbis empire.
36375Par. 10. (1) Hh^^Hya Darayavusb kbsbayatbiya — (2) Ima tya mana
36376kartam pasava yatba kbsb%a^/»'ya abavam. (3) Kabujiya nama,
36377Kurausb putra, amakbam taumay«, hnuva pruvama ida kbsba-
36378yatbiya aba. (4) Avabya Kabujiyabya brata Bardiya nama aha ;
36379(5) hamata bampita Kabujiyabya. (6) I'asava Kabujiyei avam
36380Bardiyam avaja. (7) Yatba Kabujiya Bardiyam awaja, karabya
36381niya azada abava tya Bardij'a avajata. (8) Pasava Kabujij'a
36382Mudrayam ashiya\a,. (9) Yatba Kabujiya Mudrayam ashiyava,
36383^ There is a good deal of doubt as to howevei-, gives as equivalents pitkut and
36384the meaning of the two opposed words, hisit, and as the latter word answers to
36385agata and arika. Col. Rawlinson was the Hebrew C1N3, the most correct
36386originally inclined to translate them by translation would seem to be simply
36387"faithful" and "heretical." (SeeYoca- good And. bud.
36388bulaiy.) The Babylonian transcript,
p. 591
36389Col. 1. THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION. 593
36390pasava kara arika abava. (10) Pasava darauga dahyaiiva vasiya
36391abava, iita Parsaiya, uta Madaiya, uta ainyanva dahyaiisliTiva.
36392(1) Says Darius the king — (2) This (is) what (was) done
36393by me after that 1 became king. (3) (A man) named Cambyses,
36394son of Cyrus, of our race, he was here king before me. (4) Of
36395that Cambyses (there was) a bfother, Bardes was his name ;
36396(5) of the same mother, (and) of the same father with Cambyses,
36397(<5) Afterwards Cambyses slew that Bardes. (7) \\hen Cambyses
36398had slain Bardes, it was not known to the people that Bardes
36399had been slain. (8) Afterwards Cambyses proceeded to Egypt.
36400(9) ^Vhen Cambj'ses had proceeded to Egypt, then the state be-
36401came wicked. (10) Then the lie became abounding in the land,
36402both in Persia, and in Media, and in the other provinces.
36403Par, 11. (1) ThatiyaDarayavush khshayathiya — (2) Pa^r/m martiya
36404Magush aha, Gaumata nama. (3) Hauva udapata'a hacha Pishi-
36405?/«"uvadaya, Ai'akadrish nama kaufa, hacha avadasha. (4) Tiya-
36406khnahya mah^a xiv. rauchabish, thakata aha, yadiya udapatata,
36407hauva karahya avatha odurujiya : (5) Adam Eardiya amiya, hya
36408Kuraush putra, Kabujiyahya brata. (6) Paf-ava kara haruva
36409hamatriya abava. (7) Hachti Kabujiya abiya avam «shiyava,
36410uta Parsa uta Mada, uta aniya dahyava. (8) Khshatram hauva
36411agarbayata. (9) Garmapadahya mahya ix. rauchabish, thakala
36412aha, avatha khshatram agarb%afa. (10) Pasava Kabujiya 'uva-
36413marshiyush amari}'ata.
36414(1) Saj^s Darius the king — (2) Afterwards there was a
36415(certain) man, a Magiau, named Gomates. (3) He arose from
36416Pissiachada, the mountain named Aiacadres, from thence. (4)
36417On the 14th day of the month Yayakhna, then it was that he
36418arose. He thus lied to the state : — (5) " I am Bardes, the son
36419of CyiTis, the brother of Cambyses." (6) Then the whole state
36420became rebellious. (7) From Cambyses it went over to him,
36421both Persia, and Media, and the other provinces. (8) He seized
36422the empire, (9) On the 9th da}" of the month Garmapada, then
36423it was he so seized the empire. (10) Afterwards Cambyses,
36424imable to endure, (?) died.
36425Par. 12. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Aita khsha-
36426tram, tya Gaumata hya Magush adina Kabujiyam, aita khshati am
36427hacha pruviyata amakham taumaya aha. (3) Pasava Gaiimata
36428hya Magush adina Kabujiyam uta Parsam, uta Madam, uta aniya
36429dahyava ; hauva ayasta 'uvaipashiyara akuta ; (4) hauva khsha-
36430yathiya abava.
36431(1) Says Darius the king — (2) The empire of which Go-
36432mates, the Magian, dispossessed Cambyses. that empire from the
p. 592
3643359i THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION. A pp. Took 111.
36434olden time had been in oiir family, (o) After Gomates tlie
36435Magian had dispossessed Cambyses both of Persia and ]\Iedia
36436and the dependent provinces, he did according to his desiie :
36437(4) he became king.
36438Par. 13. (1) Thatij'a Darayavnsh khshayathiya— (2) Niya aha mar-
36439tiya, niya Parsa, niya Mada, niya amakham tanmaya kashchiya,
36440hya avam Gaumatam tyam Magum khshatram ditam chakhriya.
36441(3) Karashim hacha darshama atarsa. (4) Karam vasiya avaja-
36442niya; hya paranam Bardiyam adana, avahyaradiya karam ava-
36443janiya, (5) " Matyamam khshanasatiya tya adam niya Bardiya
36444amiya, hya Kuransh putra." (6) Kashchiya niya adarshanansh
36445chischiya thastaniya pariya Ganmatam tyam Magnm, yata
36446adam arasam. (7) Pasava adam Auramazdam patiyavahya ;
36447(8) Anramazdamaij^a upaslara abara. (9) Bagayadaish mahya x.
36448ranchabish, thakata aha, avatha adam hada kamanaibish marti-
36449yaibish avam Gamnatam tyam Magum avajanam, uta tyishiya
36450fratama martiya annshiya ahata. (10) Siktba'xivatish ntima dida,
36451Nisaya nama dahyaush Madai3"a, avadashim avajanam: (11)
36452khshatramshim adam adinam. (12) Vashna Anramazdaha adam
36453khshayathiya abavam ; (13) Anramazda khshatram mana fi abara.
36454(1) Says Darius the king — (2) There was not a man,
36455neither Persian, nor Median, nor any one of our family, avIio
36456Avould dispossess that Gomates the ]\Iagian of the crown. (3)
36457The state feared him exceedingly. (4) He slew many people,
36458who had known the old Bardes ; for that reason he slew them,
36459(5) " lest they should recognise me that I am not Bardes,
36460the son of Cyrus." (6) No one dared to say anything con-
36461cerning Gomates the Magian, until I arrived. (7) Then I prayed
36462to Ormazd ; (8) Ormazd brought help to me. (9) On the 10th
36463day of the month Bagayadish, then it was, with my faithful
36464men, I slew that Gomates the Magian, and those who Avere his
36465chief followers. (10) The fort named Sictachotes in the district
36466of Media called Xistea, there I slew him. (11)1 dispossessed
36467him of the empire. (12) By the grace of Ormazd I became
36468king : (13) Ormazd granted me the sceptre.
36469Par. 14, (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Khshatram
36470tya hacha amakham taumaya parabartam aha, ava adam pati-
36471padam akunavam. (3) Adamshim gathva avastayam, (4) Yatha
36472pruvamachiya, avatha adam akunavam. (5) Ayadana tya Gau-
36473mata hya Magush viyaka, adam niyatraraj-am (6) Karahya
36474abacharish gaithamcha maniyamcha, vithabi.sh:7/a tyadish Gau-
36475mata hya Magush adina. (7) Adam karam gathva avastayam,
36476Parsam.Aa, Madamc/id, uta aniya dahyava. (8) Yatha pruva-
p. 593
36477Col. 1. THE BEHISTUN INSCKIPTION. 595
36478machij'^a avatlia adam tya parabartam patiyabaram. (0) Yahlina
36479Anramazdalia ima adam aknnavam. (10) Adam liamatakli^liiya
36480yata vitham tyam amakham gatliva avastayam, (ll)Yath.a pr«-
36481vamachiya avatlia adam hamatakhsliiya, vashna Ainamazdalia,
36482yatlia Gaiimata hya Maguah. vitham tyam amakham niya parabai a.
36483(1) Says Darius the king— (2) The empire which had
36484been taken away from our family, that I recovered. (3) I esta-
36485blished it in its place, (-i) As (it was) before, so I made (it).
36486(5) The temples which Goraates the Magian had destroyed, I re-
36487built. (6) The sacred offices of the state, both the religious
36488chaunts and the worship, (I restored) to the people, which
36489Gomates the Magian had deprived them of. (7) I established
36490the state in its place, both Persia, and Media, and the other
36491provinces. (8) As (it was) before, so I restored what (had been)
36492taken away. (9) By the grace of Oimazd I did (this). (10) I
36493arranged so that I established our family in its place. (11) As
36494(it was) before, so I arranged (it), by the gi-ace of Ormazd, so
36495that Gomates the Magian should not supersede our family.
36496Par. 15. (1) Thatiya Darayavnsh khshayathija.— (2) Imat^a adam
36497akunavam, pasava yatha khshayathiya abavam.
36498(1) Says Darius the king— (2) This (is) what 1 did, after
36499that I became king.
36500Far. 16. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Yatha adam
36501Gaumatam tyam Magum avdjanam, pasava I. martiya, Atiina
36502nama, Upadarmahya putra, hauva udapata^«. (3) 'Uvajaiya, kara-
36503hya avatha athaha — (4) ' Adam 'JJvajaija, khshayathij^a amiya.'
36504(5) Paso'ra ' Uvajija, hamitriya abava ; (6) abiya avam Atrinam
36505ashiyava ; (7) hauva khshayathiya abava 'Uvajaiya. (8) Uta I.
36506martiya Eabiruviya, Naditabira nama, Aina/vvh^a putra, hauva
36507udapatata. (9) Babirauva karam avatha adurujiya — (10) 'Adam
36508Nabukudrachara amiya, hya Nabunitahya putra. (11) Pasava
36509kara hya Babiruviya haruva abiya avam Naditablram ashiyava.
36510(12) Babirush hamatriya abava. (13) Khshatram tya Babirauva
36511hauva agarbayata.
36512(1) Says Darius the king— (2) When I had slain Gomates
36513the Magian, then a man named Atrines, the son of Opadarmes,
36514he arose ; (3) to the state of Susiana thus he said ; (4) ' I am
36515king of Susiana.' (5) Then the Susianians became rebellious ;
36516(6) they went over to that Atrines; (7) he became king of
36517Susiana. (8) And a man, a Babylonian, Kidintabelus by name,
36518the son of Anires, he arose. (9) To the state of Babylonia he
36519thus falsely declared— (10) ' I am Xaltochodrossor, the son of
p. 594
36520590 THE BEHISTUN INSCEIPTION. App. Book 111.
36521Nabonidus.' (11) Afterwards the whole state of Babylon went
36522over to that Nidiiitabeliis. (12) Babylon became rebellions.
36523(13) He seized the kingdom of Babylonia.
36524Par. 17. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Pasava adani
36525fraishayam 'Uvajani ; (3) hauva Atrina hasta anayata ahiya mmw.
36526(4) Adamshim avajanam.
36527(1) Says Darius the king— (2) Then I sent to Susiana ;
36528(3) That Atrines was brought to me a prisoner. (4) I slew him.
36529Par. 18. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya - (2) Pasava adam
36530BahimvLi ashiyavani abiya avam Naditabiram, hya Nabukudia-
36531chara agauiafri. (3) Kara hya Naditabirahya Tigrani adaraya ;
36532(4) avada aishatata, nta abisb naviya aha. (5) Pasava adam
36533karam ma . . kauva avakanam. (6) Aniyam dashabarim akun-
36534avam. (7) Aniyahya asm . . anayam. (8) Auramazdamaiya
36535iipas^«/». abara. (9) ^'^ashna Auramazdaha Tigram viyataiayam.
36536(10) Avada karam tyam Naditabirahya adam ajanani vasiya.
36537(11) Atriyatij'a'ij/a mdhya xxvi. rauehabish, thakata aha avatha
36538hamaranam akuma.
36539(1) Says Darius the king — (2) Then I went to Babylon
36540against tbat Nidintabelus, who was called Nabochodrossor. (3)
36541The people of Nidintabelus held the Tigris ; (4) there they were
36542posted, and they had boats. (5) There I approached a detach-
36543ment (lit. troops, people) in rafts. (6) I brought the enemy into
36544difficulty. (7) (I) carried the enemy's position. (8) Ormazd
36545brought help to me. (9) By the grace of Ormazd I crossed the
36546Tigris. (10) There T slew many of the troops of that Nidintabelus.
36547(11) On the 26th day of the month Atriyata, then it was we so
36548fouo-ht.''
36549£5*-
36550Par. 19. (1) Thatiya DarayauMsh khshayathiya — (2) Pasava ar/crm
36551Babirum ashiyavawi. (3) A^/iiya Babirum yathd . . . ayam, Zazana
36552nama, vardanam anuva Ufratauva, avada /ja^ua Naditdbira,, hya
36553Kabukudrachara agaubata, aisha hada kara patish mdm, hama-
36554ratiaxn. chartanij^a. (4) Pajiawa hamaranam akmna. (5) Auramaz-
36555damaiya upastam abara. (6) Vashia ^litramazdaha karam tjam
36556Naditabirahya adam ajanam vasiya. (7) Aniya apiya . h . a ;
36557(8) apishim parabara ; (9) Anamakahya mahya ii. rauehabish,
36558thakata aha avatha hamaranam akuma.
36559(1) Says Darius the king — (2) Then I went to Babylon.
36560(3) When I arrived near Babylon, at the city named Zazana, on
36561the Euphrates, there that Nidintabelus, who was called Nabocho-
36562drossor, came with his forces against me, to do Ixittle. (4)
36563^ The Scy tide transcript adds, "There I slew him" (Norris's Beh. Inscr. p. 105).
p. 595
36564Coi.. 2. THE BEHISTUN INSCEIPTION. 597
36565Then we fought a battle. (5) Ormazd brought help to me.
36566(6) By the grace of Ormazd I slew many of the troops of that
36567Nidintabelus — (7) the enemy was driven (?) into the water —
36568(8) the water destroyed them. (9) On the 2nd day of the month
36569Anamaka, then it was we so fought.
36570Column II.
36571Par. 1. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshaya^/i^^a— (2) Fasdva Nacli-
36572tabii'a liada kamanaibish asbaraibish dJnya Bdbivum. ashiyava.
36573(3) Pasava adam Babirum ashiyai-owi. (-i) ^ aha uta Ba-
36574birum agarbayam, uta avam Naditabiram agarhdyam. (5) Pasava
36575avam Naditabiram adam Babirauva awajanam.
36576(1) Says Darius the king — • (2) Then Nidintabelus with the
36577horsemen (that were) faithful (to him) fled to Babylon. (3) Then
36578I went to Babylon. (4) By the grace of Ormazd I both took
36579Babylon, and seized that Nidintabelus. fS) Then I slew that
36580Nidintabelus at Babylon.
36581Par. 2. (1) Thdtija. Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Yata adam Ba-
36582birauwa aham, imd dahydwa ty&, hachama hamitriya abava : Par.sa,
36583'Uvaja, Mada, Athura, Artnina, Paj^tliYa, Margush, Thatagush,
36584Saka.
36585(1) Says Darius the king — (2) "Whilst I was at Babylon,
36586these (are) the countries which revolted against me : Pei'sia,
36587Susiana, Media, Assyria, Armenia, Parthia, Margiana, Sattagydia,
36588Sacia.
36589Par. 3. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khuhebjathiya — (2) I. martiy& Mar-
36590tja. nama, Chichikhraish putra, Kuganaka nama vetrdanam
36591Pnrsiya, avada adaraya. (3) Hauva udapatata : (4) 'Uvajai^'^a
36592karahya avatha athaha : (5) ' Adam Imanish amiya, 'Uvajaiya
36593khshayathiya.'
36594(1) Says Darius the king — (2) A man, named Martes, the
36595son of Sisicres, (in) the city of Pei'sia named Cyganaca, there he
36596dwelt. (3) Pie arose : (4) to the state of Susiana thus ho said :
36597(5) ' I am Imanes, king of Susiana.'
36598Par. 4. (1) Thatij-a Darayavush khshayafA?>/a — (2) Adakiya adam
36599ashaniya aham abiya 'PTvajam. (3) Pasava hachama
36600'f/iiajiya avam Martij^am agarbaya : (4) hyasliam mathishta
36601aha na.
36602(1) Says Darius the king — (2) I was moving a little way (?)
36603in the direction of Susiana. (3) Then the Susianians, fearing (?)
36604** Tlie blank here may be supplied
36605with the wordti " Vashiui Auiaiiuizdiiha"
36606from the Scythic version (Norris, p.
36607106).
p. 596
36608598 THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTIOX. App. Book III.
36609from me, seized that Martius. (4) He who was their chief slew
36610him.9
36611Par. 5. (1) Thatiya Darayavtish khshajathiya — (2) I. martiya Fra-
36612vartish vdma, Mdda, hauva udapatata. (3) Madaij^a karahya
36613avatha athaha: (4) ' Adam Kkshathrita'^^ ormiya, 'Uvakhshatarahya
36614taumaj'a.' (5) Pasava kara Mada hya vithdpatiya dim, Artchama
36615hamitriya abava. (6) Abiya avam Fravartim ashiyava : (7)
36616hauva hhshdyathiya abava Madaiya.
36617(1) Says Darius the king — (2) A man, named Phraortes,
36618a Mede, he rose up. (3) To the state of Media thiis he said :
36619(4) I am Xathrites, of the race of Cj'axares. (5) Then the Me-
36620dian troops who wei"e at home revolted from me. (6) They went
36621over to that Phraortes : (7) he became king of Media.
36622Par. 6. (1) Thatiya Darayavush khshayathiya — (2) Kara Pdrsa utd
36623Mdda hya upa mam aha, hauva kamanama aha. (3) Pasava
36624adam kara??i fraishayam. (4) Vidarna nama Parsa, mana badaka,
36625avamsham mathishtam akunavam. (5) Avathdshdm athaham —
36626(6) ' Prita avam karam tyam Madam jata, hya mana niya gauba-
36627tiya.' (7) Pasava hauva Vidarna hada kara ashiyava. (8) Yatha
36628Madam pararasa, Ma ... " ?m'ma, vardanam Madaiya, avada
36629hamaranam akunaush hadd 'M.Mailish. (9) Hya Madaishiiva
36630mathishta aha, hauva adakiyaniya da (10) Aura-
36631mazdamaij'a upastam abara : (11) vashna Auramazdaha kara
36632hya Vidarnahyd avam karam tyam hamitri^^am aja vasiya.
36633(12) Anamakahya vio^hyd vi. (?) rauchabish, Ihakata aha avatha-
36634sliam hamaranam kartam. (13) Pasava hauva hdra hj^a mana
36635Kapada nama, dahyaush Madaiya, avada mam amdnaya, ydtd
36636adam arasam Madam,
36637(1) Says Darius the king — (2) The army of Persians and
36638Medes that was with me, that was faithful to me. (3) Then I
36639sent forth troops. (4) Hydarnes b}^ name, a Persian, one of mj^
36640subjects,' him I appointed their leader. (5) Thus I addressed
36641them : (0) ' Go foith (and) smite that Median state, which does
36642not acknowledge me.' ^ (7) Then that Hydarnes marched with
36643his army. (8) When he reached Media, a city of Media, named
36644Marus(?), there he fought a battle with the Medes. (9) He
36645who was the leader of the Medes could not at all resist him (?)
36646(10) Ormazd brought help to me ; (11) by the grace of Ormazd,
36647" The sense of this passage, which is town appears as Mariict, in the Scythic
36648illegible in the Persian, is fixed by the it is Marus.
36649Babylonian transcript. ' Literally, " one bound to me."
366501" Restored from the detached in- ; - Literally, " which is not called
36651scription. mine."
36652" In the Babylouiau the uuiiil; of this

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